As the royal train gently swayed due to the large gaps between the tracks, a unique feature of Russian railways, Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra's honeymoon commenced.
The history of the Russian Empire's railways began in 1837.
To connect St. Petersburg with Tsarskoye Selo, Russia's first railway was constructed.
This scenic royal estate could be roughly divided into two parts.
One part comprised the centrally located Catherine Palace and its annexes, along with the expansive southern Catherine Park, dotted with numerous monuments and small apartments.
The other part included the Alexander Palace and the Alexander Park behind it.
Nicholas had grown up in the Alexander Palace, and now, thanks to his predecessor's memories, he vividly recalled its layout and furnishings.
The emperor's honeymoon was rather uneventful, mostly spent idly in Tsarskoye Selo, a much-needed rest for Nicholas after weeks of continuous work.
Of course, it wasn't entirely idle.
They would sleep in, eat, and then exercise, much like animals.
Their activities ranged from bedroom athletics to more adventurous locations like the bathroom, vanity, study, bathtub, and dressing room. This period was thoroughly enjoyable, leaving Nicholas with a sore, tender lower body after several days of enthusiastic lovemaking.
This was the indulgence of youth and the joy of newlywed life.
Time passed quickly, bringing them to the end of 1894.
Russia had several New Year celebrations.
Since Peter the Great's reforms, Russians celebrated New Year's on January 1st, like Western Europe; following Orthodox tradition, January 7th was also a New Year celebration; and there was a more traditional Russian New Year on March 1st, though few observed this now.
As the year drew to a close, the Tsar and Tsarina returned to the Winter Palace after their fortnight of leisure. They adhered to tradition, lighting New Year's fireworks and conducting the blessing of the Neva River's waters.
Originally, this occasion would have been led by Nicholas's father, but circumstances had changed, and the young emperor felt a pang of nostalgia.
On January 13, 1895, trouble struck.
The former Minister of Transportation, Solna, had passed away suddenly in the fall of 1894 due to old age, with Deputy Minister Kryvoshein temporarily taking over.
Under Alexander III, Solna's passive nature had been disfavored, and when asked for opinions, Witte suggested Kryvoshein as a suitable replacement.
Nicholas knew this from reviewing meeting records and thus agreed to Kryvoshein's appointment after Solna's unexpected death.
However, Kryvoshein became a problem. His corruption was uncovered by Durnovo and reported to Nicholas in a detailed memorial.
"You ministers... once you assume high office, you immediately start flaunting your status, building lavish mansions with state funds, and outdoing each other in grandeur. Your households employ enough servants and attendants to form a regiment," Nicholas lamented to the bowing Durnovo after perusing a few pages of the memorial.
The memorial detailed how Kryvoshein's enterprises sold railroad ties to the state at exorbitant prices and how he used his ministerial authority to push for a railway that conveniently passed through his estate, seeking inflated relocation compensation.
Before his appointment, Kryvoshein had little wealth. As Deputy Minister and acting Minister of Transportation, he transformed into a magnate, owning estates and profiting from various industries.
"Your Majesty, this clearly shows Kryvoshein's unfitness for the role. His conduct is disgraceful, and he is driven solely by profit," Durnovo stated, having learned of this through an investigation by Inspector Filipov of the State Control Department.
"I hope this serves as a warning to others like Kryvoshein."
"Indeed, Your Majesty."
"Wise words, Your Majesty."
Both ethically and logically, Nicholas found this situation unacceptable, and he quickly had Kryvoshein resign to preserve his dignity.
With Kryvoshein gone, the question arose: who would be the next Minister of Transportation?
"You should appoint Kazi as Minister of Transportation, Nicky!"
Upon hearing of the vacancy, Grand Duke Alexander Mikhailovich came to the emperor's office to recommend a candidate.
The grand duke, Nicholas's brother-in-law and cousin, was the fourth son of Grand Duke Mikhail Nikolaevich and had studied in America, being an ambitious scholar.
Kazi, a retired naval lieutenant, was well-versed in maritime issues, having previously supported the construction of a naval base in Murmansk.
"…Sandro, I need to give this matter careful consideration."
Sandro was Alexander Mikhailovich's nickname.
Why would I appoint a naval lieutenant, completely inexperienced in railways, as the Minister of Transportation? Nicholas thought. He understood Sandro's motive: as a naval officer, Sandro wanted to elevate an old naval subordinate to the ministerial role for support.
Sandro had long coveted the position of Navy Minister, currently held by Nicholas's uncle, Grand Duke Alexei Alexandrovich.
"Yes, Nicky, but you should know that Kazi is talented, loyal, and intelligent!"
After repeating this several times, Sandro finally left Nicholas's office.
Nicholas's office was particularly busy that day. Shortly after Sandro left, Witte came in with a memorial on cabinet reform, as instructed by the emperor.
"Witte, who do you think would be a good Minister of Transportation?"
Nicholas asked before reading the memorial.
"I hold Kazi in high regard and have a good personal relationship with him, but I don't think he can serve as Minister of Transportation because he is entirely unfamiliar with the ministry's work. If appointed, he might become another Kryvoshein."
Witte believed Kazi should either be given a position suited to his expertise, such as Navy Minister, or not be appointed at all to prevent undue interference in matters beyond his purview.
Nicholas shared a similar view.
Kazi was absolutely not a suitable candidate for the position of Minister of Transportation.
However, Nicholas temporarily set aside this issue, focusing instead on Witte's reform proposal.
The memorial began with a historical review, where Witte recounted the administrative reforms in Russia since the establishment of the ministries.
In 1802, Alexander I issued the Decree on the Ministry System, establishing eight ministries: Foreign Affairs, Justice, Finance, Internal Affairs, National Education, Commerce, the Army, and the Navy.
Each ministry was assigned a specific administrative function and appointed a minister, which Witte considered the completion of Russia's vertical professional management of departments.
However, the creation of the ministry system introduced new problems, such as overlapping functions, varying ministerial power, and inefficiencies.
Thus, from the time of Alexander I, the lead reformer Count Speransky aimed to horizontally integrate the vertically managed ministries under a central body—the State Council, established in 1810.
But Speransky's liberal reforms in other areas deeply affected the political climate, leading to his exile under immense pressure. The subsequent Napoleonic invasion of Russia in 1812 halted further reforms.
Alexander I later allowed Speransky to return to St. Petersburg to continue the reforms, but the sudden death of the Tsar and the ascension of the more conservative Nicholas I interrupted this process.
The Decembrist revolt pushed Nicholas I toward even more repressive and conservative policies.
The crushing defeat in the Crimean War forced Russia into a new wave of reforms, but Alexander II's reforms only led to more instability.
Conservatives thought the reforms were too rapid and radical, while radicals believed they were too slow and insufficient. Ultimately, the assassination of Alexander II by populists ended these reforms.
Nicholas's father then adopted a policy of constant military control, turning Russia into a suffocating military camp. This high pressure only temporarily stabilized the situation, which again became volatile after the great famine of 1891.
Some of this Nicholas knew from his own thoughts, and some Witte included in the memorial. Overall, Witte argued that the current "reform" was a continuation of the reforms initiated by Nicholas's grandfather, the late Alexander II, rather than a new initiative.
Alexander II's influence in Russia was profound, and his legacy as the "Liberator" carried significant weight, making it easier to eliminate opposition to the reforms by invoking his name.
"Very good."
After reading the entire memorial, Nicholas nodded in satisfaction. Witte's plan largely aligned with his own ideas.
If successful, the reform would make the Council of Ministers Russia's highest national administrative and executive body, responsible for leading, organizing, and coordinating the work of the ministries and general departments, becoming a modern institution similar to a Western European cabinet.
"I will present this proposal at the next Council of Ministers meeting. Do you have any further suggestions?"
"If the Council of Ministers is to become the coordinating body for the ministries' work, then ministers should no longer submit memorials directly to Your Majesty. Otherwise, the council will become another ornamental body, with no real authority."
After hesitating, Witte voiced his concern to Nicholas, knowing that this reform would limit Nicholas II's autocratic power as the absolute monarch.
"This can be accepted in the interest of the state."
Nicholas's apparent nobility in this matter also stemmed from his need to elevate technocrats like Witte to ease his burdens.
Professional bureaucrats could assist both the state and Nicholas. Without their support, Nicholas would struggle to sideline his meddlesome uncles.
"Have you made up your mind, Your Majesty?"
"Yes."
Nicholas's decisive answer reassured Witte.
"As long as Your Majesty remains undeterred by external influences, this reform can be accomplished. Many details can be discussed at the new Council of Ministers meeting."
Witte worried that Nicholas's commitment might wane, rendering the reform plan ineffectual and jeopardizing Witte's career.
"Very good. I look forward to tomorrow's meeting and your contributions."
Nicholas's approval energized Witte, who could almost see the position of Russian Prime Minister within his grasp.
On January 14, twelve years since the last meeting, Nicholas II, as the chairman, convened a Council of Ministers meeting.
"The Council of Ministers often deals with secondary matters unbefitting its status, with discussions neither formal nor detailed. Ministers lack a genuine understanding of issues, leading to ineffective deliberations and ambiguous, hasty decisions. The current council's work deviates significantly from the original intent of its establishment. It has not coordinated the ministries' work and has negatively impacted their normal operations."
At the start of the meeting, Witte passionately supported Nicholas's proposal to reform the Council of Ministers.
His eloquent speech garnered significant support from those present.
Most importantly, this top-level reform affected the ministries' interests minimally but was closely tied to Nicholas's authority.
After Witte's strong endorsement, others turned to the Minister of Internal Affairs, Durnovo, whose department was Russia's most powerful. His opinion was crucial.
"…Ahem, the Council of Ministers indeed cannot fulfill its duties."
Durnovo's brief statement swayed the meeting's direction.
However, no objections in the meeting did not mean there were no dissenters outside it.
"Nicky! What are you thinking! You are abandoning the sacred power passed down through generations!"
The Naval Minister, Grand Duke Alexei Alexandrovich, whose weight had reached 250 pounds, boomed in Nicholas's ear.
Too large for the armchair in front of Nicholas's desk, Alexei sat on the sofa, his massive weight sinking into the cushions.
"This is a rash and irresponsible decision! Nicky! Do you know what your father would think?"
Alexei's tone was heart-wrenching, as if Nicholas had committed an egregious folly.
"I know what I am doing, Uncle Alexei."
Nicholas replied calmly.
Seeing Nicholas laugh made the already upset Alexandra even more annoyed, and she kicked him.
"Ouch! Did you really have to kick me?"
"I didn't kick hard. Stop acting, Nicky!"
"Alright, Alix, what's going on? Why do you suddenly want to buy more jewelry? Don't you have enough?"
Nicholas's question made Alexandra sigh in frustration.
"If your mother outshines me, how will I manage in St. Petersburg's social circles? Maria will be the flower, and I'll just be the leaf… Not that I dislike Maria… but people gossip behind our backs."
"Yeah... those courtiers have nothing better to do than spread rumors."
"Exactly! Those hypocrites... So, will you agree?"
Seeing Alexandra's determined expression, Nicholas hesitated but then nodded.
"Alright, I'll talk to the Minister of the Imperial Court. But I really hope you can get along better with my mother."
"Love you, Nicky!"
Satisfied, Alexandra grabbed Nicholas's face and kissed him enthusiastically.
Not to be outdone, Nicholas scooped her up amid her surprised yelps and laughter, carrying her towards their bedroom.
A bit of post-dinner exercise wasn't a bad idea.