Despite being met with a cold reception and having his efforts thwarted in St. Petersburg, Nishida Jiro remained actively engaged in seeking ways to counter the intervention of the three countries.
"The strength of the Russian, French, and German fleets in the Orient is already known to Minister Mutsu. If Minister Mutsu concludes that the balance of power is unfavorable and resistance is futile, it might be better, as per my suggestion, to resolve this issue peacefully by renouncing the permanent occupation of the Liaodong Peninsula to meet Russian expectations, and instead secure rights to Taiwan and the Penghu Islands. However, as a guarantee for compensation, Japan could temporarily occupy the Liaodong Peninsula and significantly increase the amount of reparations, ensuring that China would never be able to repay it."
In essence, this plan is a way to refuse the concession of Taiwan and the Penghu Islands while effectively securing permanent control over the Liaodong Peninsula.
Minister Mutsu knew that this plan was obviously a trick to deceive, but it inspired him to devise a strategic compromise.
On April 30th, he instructed Nishida Jiro, the Japanese minister in St. Petersburg, to deliver the following memorandum to the Russian government:
The Government of the Empire of Japan has carefully considered the friendly advice from His Majesty the Emperor of Russia. To reaffirm the close relationship between our two nations, we are prepared to make the following modifications to the treaty in addition to exchanging ratifications of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, which will preserve Japan's honor and dignity:
Japan will relinquish all claims to the Liaodong Peninsula except for the Dalian region. However, Japan and China will negotiate a suitable compensation for the ceded territory.
Japan reserves the right to occupy the aforementioned land as a guarantee until China has fully fulfilled its obligations under the peace treaty.
The Taiwan Strait will be established as an international navigation route, ensuring that European navies will have uninterrupted access. Therefore, the occupation of the Taiwan and Penghu Islands will not affect European commercial interests.
Minister Mutsu also sent similar memorandums to the French and German ministers in Paris and Berlin, respectively.
"Well? The Japanese are clearly unable to withstand the pressure."
When Tsar Nicholas received the diplomatic note from the Japanese minister Nishida Jiro, his mood was somewhat buoyed.
"Making the Japanese suffer is certainly a good thing."
He immediately convened another ministerial meeting to discuss the matter.
"Your Majesty's judgment is wise."
Count Lamsdorff praised Tsar Nicholas II's diplomatic policy at the appropriate moment.
"The Japanese government is clearly stalling, attempting to use excessive reparations as a means to prolong their occupation."
The chairman of the meeting, Witte, candidly described the Japanese memorandum as "a trick of the Orientals."
"Thirty thousand troops are already prepared to embark from the Odessa naval port, Your Majesty."
The Minister of War, Vonovoski, reported on the pretentious mobilization plans, which were intended to add weight to the diplomatic negotiations.
Nicholas had no intention of engaging in a distant war.
"In any case, the territorial integrity of the Liaodong Peninsula should be restored to the Qing Dynasty."
This meeting, compared to previous ones, was shorter in the discussion phase because Nicholas had begun to grasp a sense of imperial diplomacy and had gained confidence!
"Indeed, even if Japan occupies an inch of the Liaodong Peninsula, it would have a significant impact on Russia's interests in the Far East."
Witte's somewhat exaggerated statement reflected his role as a proponent of aggressive policies towards Japan and earned him some diplomatic influence.
"So let it be decided: Taiwan and the Penghu Islands may be secondary, but unless Japan is deeply pressured to make a firm stand, we can still raise them."
Nicholas concluded that since Germany had not objected to Russia's inclusion of Taiwan and the Penghu Islands in the intervention issue, there was no need for Russia to offer Japan any leniency.
On May 3rd, Nishida Jiro sent a telegram back to Tokyo, bringing disappointing news to Ito Hirobumi's cabinet.
"On the 1st of this month, I delivered our government's memorandum to the Russian government and made every effort to argue for our proposal. Today, the Russian Foreign Minister made it clear that the Russian government is not satisfied with our memorandum. He said that a meeting was held yesterday, and the Russian Emperor firmly believes that Japan's occupation of Chinese territory obstructs Russia's interests, thus deciding to uphold the original advisory stance. I have devoted all my energy to this issue, but regrettably, I could not change Russia's stance."
On the same day, Lamsdorff informed the German and French governments about Russia's dissatisfaction with the Japanese memorandum, seeking their opinions.
The French Foreign Ministry quickly responded, agreeing with Russia's position.
However, the German Foreign Ministry's reply was delayed, leading Nicholas to suspect that something might be changing.
"Your Majesty, you should understand that completely alienating Japan will cause us to lose an important friend in the Far East."
German Foreign Minister Adolf Marschall von Bieberstein strongly advised Emperor Wilhelm II not to include Taiwan and the Penghu Islands in the intervention plan, even to please Russia.
He also relayed the memorandum submitted by Japanese Minister Aoki Shuzo to the German Foreign Ministry.
"The Japanese government has sincerely promised to fully respect European commercial interests, and Japan's occupation of these islands will only affect French interests in China. Furthermore, as the intervention is led by Russia, if Japan is forced to return Taiwan, the Penghu Islands, and the Liaodong Peninsula to China, it will only increase China's goodwill towards Russia, with no benefit to Germany."
Marschall presented three reasons, and his strong stance caused Emperor Wilhelm II to waver.
"If Hornlohe-Schellingstedt also opposes, then we cannot continue with this. I am truly sorry, but I place the pursuit of honorable diplomacy above all else."
Hornlohe-Schellingstedt was Germany's third chancellor at the time.
Wilhelm II's intent was to shift the blame to his ministers, claiming that the change in policy was due to their strong advice.
In other words, he wanted to deflect responsibility.
Nicholas's diplomacy was both influenced and thwarted by Wilhelm II.