"My dear Sergey Yuriyevich,"
After finishing his first audience with the Emperor, the newly appointed Minister of Internal Affairs, Goremykin, hurried over to the Ministerial Council office building where Prime Minister Witte was.
"As far as I know, His Majesty has decided to entrust the crucial role of Minister of Internal Affairs to you."
"Yes, that is correct."
Goremykin's pleasure was evident. He first gave Witte a hearty embrace and then kissed him on the cheek.
"I am delighted to take on the role of Minister of Internal Affairs rather than remaining as a merely titular deputy minister!"
Goremykin briefly expressed his previous frustration at being sidelined despite holding a title and then continued.
"My first order of business is to transfer the annual 50,000 rubles that the Minister of Internal Affairs currently receives to the Police Department."
Goremykin informed Prime Minister Witte of his decision.
Currently, the Ministry of Internal Affairs still holds the powers of the Chief of Gendarmes, a position originally created under Nicholas I's office and subsequently merged into the Ministry. Besides the usual benefits and allowances, the Minister also had access to a 50,000 ruble budget under the title of Chief of Gendarmes.
This expenditure was often kept confidential, as the Minister of Internal Affairs usually also served as the Chief of Police. Even if the budget was accounted for, it was only reported to Emperor Nicholas II.
"I hope your wish can be fulfilled."
Witte responded calmly, as few could resist the allure of 50,000 rubles under personal control.
"That's not the case, Sergey Yuriyevich. I am making this change because His Majesty specifically informed me that Plevve needs additional funds beyond his role as Chief of Police."
"What does this mean?"
Witte asked, surprised by the revelation.
"I don't know. Perhaps Plevve has the Emperor's favor."
Goremykin shrugged.
Witte fell into contemplation.
"Are you disappointed not to become the Minister of Internal Affairs?"
After Goremykin's delighted audience with Nicholas II, Nicholas had secretly summoned the cunning figure Plevve, whom Witte was not fond of.
"Not at all."
Plevve said, bowing his head respectfully.
"Don't be discouraged. I have heard of your abilities and have another important task for you."
"I am all ears."
"You should be aware of the 'Internal Guard' led by General Cherevin during the previous Emperor's reign."
"... Yes, Your Majesty. Do you want me to work on something similar within the Ministry of Internal Affairs?"
Plevve, being sharp-witted, immediately understood the context upon hearing the keyword.
The Internal Guard was a secret police force organized by Alexander III in response to revolutionary threats. Its direct leader was General Cherevin, a close friend of Alexander III.
Interestingly, when Nicholas II took over, he found Witte's name listed among the early founders of the Internal Guard.
However, the Internal Guard had become ineffective. Originally intended to operate discreetly, it had degenerated into a group of sycophants and petty officials, many of whom were publicly exposed in newspapers.
"I have already discussed with the new Minister of Internal Affairs, Goremykin, that you will handle the Police Department's affairs. Additionally, you will receive special funds to establish a new secret police agency. I hope your work will soon achieve success."
Nicholas II was clear and straightforward. Plevve understood the situation well.
Such secretive organizations had existed under previous Tsars, but like Nicholas's father, Alexander III, they were viewed with both distaste and necessity.
Nicholas II, however, had a different perspective on morality and prestige compared to the upper society of his time.
With the Emperor's assurance, Plevve left the meeting.
By early 1896, the secret police agency founded by Plevve, the Imperial Russian Secret Bureau, began to operate. Under Plevve's efficient and reactionary leadership, the agency played many notorious roles in the future.
Aside from the interactions among Nicholas, Prime Minister Witte, and the ministers, the middle and lower classes, as well as opposition figures, were also active.
While the ministerial reform was ongoing, a proposal from Moscow initiated a dialogue between the Russian government and the new bourgeoisie.
The proposal suggested that if the government was preparing to establish a Ministry of Commerce, it should set up a representative body to protect business interests, similar to Western countries.
The Morozov family, textile magnates from Moscow, had risen from serfs in the 18th century to become wealthy through cotton mills in the 19th century. Sava Timofeyevich Morozov, the third-generation heir, represented this new wave of Russian capitalists who leaned towards liberalism, unlike their loyalist forebears.
Additionally, a self-proclaimed All-Russian Congress of Industrialists convened in Nizhny Novgorod.
"The enthusiasm from the public has been unprecedentedly dampened. All economic lifelines are concentrated in the hands of the Finance Minister, and without his permission or instructions, people are at a standstill. The officials' unchecked power and interference are unbearable."
The Russian bourgeoisie voiced their concerns.
Coinciding with the emergence of the new bourgeoisie, another force, the liberal thinkers across Russia, particularly enlightened nobles and intellectuals, also began to be active.
This newfound activism, compared to the repression of Alexander III's early years, had been growing since the 1891 crop failure. The spread of liberalism had invigorated constitutionalist thought emerging from local self-governance bodies.
As early as mid-January, the local self-government bodies in Tver Province petitioned the newly crowned Nicholas II to reverse the repressive policies on local self-governance imposed since Alexander III's time.
In their petition, these liberal activists hoped Nicholas II would commit to the constitutional path or, at the very least, initiate a period of liberal reforms.
When Nicholas spoke to noble representatives, local self-governance committees, and town councils in the Winter Palace's Nikolayevsky Hall, he merely offered vague and flattering remarks.
The reasoning was simple: Nicholas could not passively let things unfold. The steering wheel of reform had to be in his own hands.
By June 1895, with the liberal activities growing more intense without deliberate repression, the situation continued to evolve.