In 1895, life was calm and leisurely for Nicholas, who even spent June enjoying the scenic beauty of Tsarskoye Selo.
However, for the Qing Empire in the Far East, it was a year of turbulence and upheaval.
Following their defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War, the Qing government was forced to sign the humiliating Treaty of Shimonoseki with Japan.
The Treaty of Shimonoseki was the most severe unequal treaty imposed on China since the Opium Wars, and the extent of its humiliation was unprecedented.
When the news of the treaty spread, the entire nation was outraged, with calls to "reject peace and annul the treaty" and to "relocate the capital and resume the war."
In the Liaodong Peninsula, which had been at the frontlines of the conflict, the people were devastated, "weeping bitterly and consumed with rage," and resolutely opposed the cession of their homeland.
In Beijing, over 1,300 scholars from various provinces, who were there to take the imperial examinations, united to oppose the treaty.
The decision to cede Taiwan particularly incited the anger of the Taiwanese people, who "ran through the streets, weeping and lamenting day and night, their cries echoing across the land." They even issued a proclamation for armed resistance, declaring: "Alas! We, the people of Taiwan, will no longer be citizens of the Great Qing Empire."
The clause that ceded the Liaodong Peninsula to Japan was especially shocking for the Chinese people, and for the Qing court, it was nothing short of a devastating blow.
Liaodong was the ancestral homeland of the Manchus, and its cession would mean the loss of the Qing dynasty's birthplace. For the Qing court, the cession of the Liaodong Peninsula represented not just a loss of sovereignty but a profound loss of dignity and identity.
In many ways, this conflict shattered the confidence the Qing government had accumulated through its earlier Self-Strengthening Movement.
Before the ink on the Treaty of Shimonoseki had even dried, Russia promptly invited Germany and France to join in a collective action to force Japan to relinquish its claims on Qing territory. Although the effort fell short, Japan did agree to return the Liaodong Peninsula.
The restoration of Liaodong shifted domestic sentiment from intense anti-Japanese and fearful sentiments to a newfound affinity for Russia.
As the winds of public opinion changed, officials across the Qing Empire began to voice their support for Russia.
The Viceroy of Liangjiang, Liu Kunyi, submitted a memorial to the imperial court, stating: "Since the Vietnam conflict, China's missteps have led to our country being looked down upon by foreign powers. In our recent peace negotiations with Japan, we made numerous concessions, which have further emboldened other nations to covet our land, eyeing us like tigers, waiting for the opportunity to pounce. Realizing that we lack the strength to stand alone, we must urgently form alliances to secure the support of powerful nations."
In a subsequent memorial, he analyzed the situation further, stating: "Japan's growing strength is not something Russia desires, and Japan's harassment of us at two critical points is particularly concerning for Russia. Although the Treaty of Shimonoseki led to the cession of the Liaodong Peninsula, Russia, along with France and Germany, forced Japan to return it—not solely for our benefit, but for their own interests as well. We should take advantage of this opportunity to strengthen our ties with Russia, offering mutual support and even making some concessions. Russia will undoubtedly be willing to cooperate. Even if we cannot secure the safety of all our coastal provinces, the proximity of the three northeastern provinces to Russia will deter Japan from harboring any ambitions there. The benefits of securing these provinces far outweigh those of protecting our coastal regions."
To justify his pro-Russian stance, Liu Kunyi even openly stated: "Russia's territory is vast, and as a Christian nation, it values faith and integrity. We have maintained good relations for over two hundred years without any conflict, which is unprecedented in history. Previously, Russia returned Ili to us, and now, together with France and Germany, they have pressured Japan to return the Liaodong Peninsula, which is an even greater favor to us."
Therefore, he recommended: "In all matters of negotiation with Russia, we must strive to maintain the relationship. As long as Sino-Russian relations remain solid, Japan and other nations will be cautious in their dealings with us and will not dare to act recklessly or underestimate us."
In summary, Sino-Russian friendship has been and will continue to be boundless throughout history.
The Viceroy of Huguang, Zhang Zhidong, also advocated for an alliance with Russia, presenting a detailed and compelling list of reasons.
"Only Russia acts with grandeur and integrity."
"Britain exploits China's commercial interests, France uses religion to manipulate our people, Germany shares no borders with us, and the United States is unwilling to involve itself in military matters—all of these make negotiations difficult. However, Russia and China have been neighboring allies for over two hundred years without ever engaging in conflict, unlike other nations that have repeatedly gone to war with us. Furthermore, Russia's actions are forthright, unlike those of Western nations."
Therefore, he strongly urged the Qing court to form an alliance with Russia.
Li Hongzhang, not to mention, had already requested Russian mediation even before the First Sino-Japanese War broke out.
In addition to the regional officials, many civil and military officials in the capital were also strong advocates of pro-Russian sentiment.
For instance, in July of that year, Vice Minister Xu Yingjun argued strongly in a memorial: "In the past, we allied with Britain to resist Russia; now, we should ally with Russia to resist Japan."
Hanlin Academy officials Li Rongchao, Ding Lijun, and Cai Jintai, among others, also jointly submitted a petition, urging the establishment of a secret defensive alliance with Russia.
It could be said that many court officials were fervently inclined toward relying on Russia.
The pro-Russian sentiment was not limited to those in the court; even among the general populace, various social classes, and especially those outside of officialdom, there were many who viewed Russia favorably.
Intellectuals who were engaged with current affairs frequently published articles advocating for an alliance with Russia.
These pro-Russian articles often centered on praising Russia's "righteous act" of launching the Triple Intervention to return the Liaodong Peninsula.
"Before the treaty was finalized and the exchange completed, Russia, known for its strength and righteousness, spoke out firmly against Japan's plans, thereby weakening Japan's resolve and preventing them from insisting on their initial territorial demands."
"If not for the persistence of Russia, France, and Germany, public opinion alone might not have deterred Japan. Even if public opinion had been sufficient to sway Japan, there was no guarantee that Japan would have readily complied. Thus, Russia's naval presence in the Sea of Japan was greater than that of other nations, demonstrating its intent to constrain Japan."
"Russia previously sent fifty warships from the Mediterranean. In the negotiations between China and Japan, Russia acted with integrity and insisted that Japan not forcibly cede the Liaodong Peninsula. Japan, recognizing its inferior position, agreed to the changes in the treaty, removing this clause. This extraordinary action helped to channel public outrage and curb Japan's aggressive stance."
After expressing gratitude for Russia's role in the "Triple Intervention to return Liaodong," the argument for pro-Russian sentiment and alliance continued:
"Russia and China, both situated in Asia, share a relationship of mutual interest and concern, unlike the British, French, and Germans, whose territories are disconnected and whose urgencies do not align with ours."
"Russia's empire spans three continents, and while its Asian territories are sparse and underdeveloped, it has been tirelessly building infrastructure and cultivating land. Its delayed expansion eastward is only due to its current priorities. Now, in response to the Sino-Japanese conflict, Russia has risen with integrity and acted to prevent Japan from seizing Shenyang, demonstrating a grand and principled stance befitting a dominant power."
However, even as pro-Russian sentiment became mainstream, a few still believed that Russian interference was driven solely by self-interest and called for caution regarding Russia.
"After the conflict between China and Japan began, Russia, like other nations, merely observed from the sidelines and did not offer assistance. Even Russia maintained a neutral stance, silently watching as China suffered defeats and lost territory without sending even a single regiment to help."
"Russia's true aim is to protect its own interests, not out of any genuine affection for China. Russia's intentions in the Southeast have been clear for some time."
"Historical evidence supports this. Eighty years ago, Russia invaded Sweden, divided Poland with Prussia and Austria, fought for the Turkish border, and advanced into Persia. The only region it was restrained from was the east, until it reached the confluence of the Amur River and the Pacific, continually expanding its territory through strategic maneuvers. Yet, Russia's ambitions remain insatiable."
Despite these concerns, the pro-Russian sentiment within the Qing Dynasty was indeed difficult to shake. This mindset laid the foundation for what Lenin later described as a "sly and stealthy" approach, underpinning Prime Minister Witte's policy of "peaceful penetration."