In the aftermath of the recent turmoil, Paris seemed to have settled down somewhat. Barricades were gradually dismantled, and previously closed shops had reopened. Other than slightly higher prices and scarcer goods, it appeared that not much had changed.
Aunt Sophie had returned, and Louis was finally free from his heavy household chores. Louis had recently picked up chess, and he was getting addicted to it. With the school temporarily closed and no other way to pass the time, he had resorted to playing chess with Lucien.
Lucien took advantage of this opportunity to use household chores as their wager during their chess matches, successfully shifting his share of the work to his younger brother. The Bonaparte family seemed to produce exceptional elder brothers.
Schools had started to return to normal, but curiously, Joseph's Paris Military Academy was still suspended. This wasn't entirely unexpected. Louis and Lucien attended private schools, while Joseph's academy was funded by the state, and the king was far from pleased with the state of the military.
So, Joseph found himself with more leisure time. Seeing Sophie just finishing her cleaning, he struck up a conversation.
"Sophie, in these tumultuous days, I hope everything is alright at your home," Joseph inquired.
Sophie shook her head and replied, "There's nothing good about it. The days are just as tough, if not tougher. Bread prices have risen, and what's worse is that even if you have the money, it's hard to find bread to buy."
Joseph thought to himself that it seemed like some people couldn't sit still. "Sophie, is it really that difficult to buy bread now?" he asked.
"You're a respectable gentleman, sir. You don't need to worry about such matters. You might not know, but I had to run through four different neighborhoods just to buy today's bread. I even tore my apron in the rush. It's unbelievable. Wasn't everything supposed to get better, and our lives easier?" Sophie lamented.
Joseph shook his head. Since the start of the Estates-General, there had been an influx of people into Paris. Not only were there representatives from all over France, but also a considerable number of farmers and vagrants who had come to Paris. This had put additional strain on Paris' already limited food supply.
In such a situation, a revolution had occurred. However, the revolution had not increased the availability of food; it had disrupted existing orders. When established orders were disrupted, and new ones hadn't yet taken hold, the transportation and sale of food were bound to be disrupted, and efficiency would drop. So, rising bread prices and even the inability to buy it became natural consequences.
Moreover, in these conditions, panic buying and hoarding took place, further driving up prices and making it even more difficult to obtain bread. If certain individuals took advantage of this situation and deliberately increased panic, the problem would become even more severe.
Joseph suddenly recalled a historical incident from his time, which had similarities to this situation. In a certain East Asian country, after the liberation of their most important city, there had been a similar surge in prices and economic chaos. How had the first mayor of their city, Chen Leshan, dealt with it?
Chen Leshan had used two strategies: economic measures, such as raising the price of grain and importing it in large quantities from grain-producing regions, and political measures, including seizing and shutting down the currency exchange run by speculators. These actions had quickly stabilized the situation.
However, Joseph realized that these strategies were impractical in Paris. Massively importing grain required efficient control over the entire country, which didn't exist in France. In this era, even if France had such a system, would there have been a revolution? During the Seven Years' War, the French might have experienced the greatest joy in life that Genghis Khan talked about: "The greatest happiness in life is to relentlessly chase your enemies, invade their lands, plunder their wealth, and then hear the lamentations of their wives and children." What revolution would there have been then?
As for the second strategy, it also required a strong, centralized state apparatus. Currently, although General La Fayette controlled the National Guard and parts of the French Army, his grip on these forces was not absolute, and he couldn't employ such measures.
With all this in mind, Joseph said to Sophie, "Sophie, I'm afraid that in the coming days, bread prices may rise even further. If you have any savings, I'd suggest you exchange them for more bread as early as possible."
A despondent Sophie replied, "Sir, you're a respectable man. You don't need to worry about such matters. You may not know that, just to buy today's bread, I had to run through four neighborhoods. I even tore my apron during the scramble. Oh God, I can't understand what's happening! Weren't they saying that everything was getting better, and that everyone's lives would improve?"
Meanwhile, there was someone else in a similar predicament to Sophie, deeply concerned about the rising bread prices. This person was General La Fayette, who had recently gained the upper hand in the political turmoil.
Although General La Fayette had considerable influence in the military, his economic power was limited. He held a high-ranking title, but he wasn't from an ancient aristocratic family, and he lacked substantial wealth or lucrative channels for income. In this respect, the gap between him and the Duke of Orleans was as wide as the gap between the Duke and La Fayette in terms of military leadership.
As a seasoned military leader, La Fayette remained composed despite these challenges. His years of experience in war had taught him that when victory seemed unattainable, it was time to consider a strategic retreat.
"We must control the various atrocities happening in Paris; we cannot tolerate innocent bloodshed any longer. Some people, they are not revolutionaries, they are simply thugs! They chant democracy, but their true interests lie in plunder and murder. They accuse others of being 'enemies of the people' in the name of revolution and then proceed to kill and rob. How many honest shopkeepers in Paris have been hung by these ruffians? Their motives have nothing to do with democracy; they're after robbing others' lawful property. This chaos must be stopped! General, the people of Paris have entrusted you with the command of the National Guard, and one of your main tasks is to prevent potential looting. Are you saying that looting by mercenaries is looting, but the looting by these ruffians isn't?" in a room adjacent to the assembly hall, a representative named Barnave vehemently argued with General La Fayette, who was seated across from him.
"The point you make is valid, but this matter cannot be rushed," La Fayette replied, leaning back slightly. "You see, there are still many weapons in the hands of those ruffians, and they operate in organized groups. There are even sympathizers and members among them within the National Guard. We haven't yet been able to completely remove them from the National Guard."
Barnave inquired, "How long will it take to rid ourselves of these troublemakers?"
"Soon. I don't want to resort to violence to remove them, but their economic conditions won't allow them to stay in military service without working for long. The National Guard has established discipline, and those who consistently miss their duties will be discharged. It won't be long before these ruffians can't remain in the National Guard."
"Even if they're removed from the National Guard, they still pose a threat to order," Barnave argued.
"Do you want us to suppress them immediately?" La Fayette asked.
"Isn't there something we can do to..."
"We shouldn't attempt things beyond our capabilities; it will only weaken our strength needlessly," La Fayette interrupted. "At times, it's acceptable to retreat a little. You all know that King Louis is still indecisive. He doesn't want to let go of the old system and accept the new one, but he also dares not take the path of Charles I. We believed that King Louis was a monarch suited for constitutional rule, didn't we? However, some individuals are intent on delivering him to the guillotine. This prince, despite his revolutionary image, isn't a suitable constitutional monarch."
The assembled representatives nodded in agreement, knowing exactly whom La Fayette was referring to.
"In the current situation, I don't think this prince can remain still either. We should quietly watch his performance. We can use him to exert pressure on the king and, at the same time, use the king to challenge him. I understand him, and he's bound to reveal his flaws. When the time is right, we can take action, which will be more effective than hasty decisions."
After this speech, La Fayette glanced at his friends. They sat in silence, as though he had convinced them.
"There's one more reason I invited you all today," La Fayette continued.
"What is it?" asked Sieyes.
"I'd like to introduce you to a new friend, a progressive bishop," La Fayette replied.