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Chapter 77 - Expelling the communist

In the National Defense Forces headquarters, a group of generals gathered around a large sand table map dotted with numerous strongholds. The map depicted the French border as a formidable fortress. One of the senior combat staff officers, wielding a long pointer, highlighted the extensive fortifications. "The French are fortifying the border extensively. We've been exporting 200,000 tons of cement to them as a friendly gesture. Now, the Maginot Line is beginning to take shape. It's arguably the most robust and permanent construction to date," he explained.

He continued, detailing the fortifications stretching from Longuyon to Belfort, covering approximately 390 kilometers. This included the Metz fortification area, the Saar flood zone, the Lauter fortification area, the Lower Rhine fortification area, and the Belfort region. As he spoke, his pointer traced the length of the defenses on the map.

General Akado, standing to the side, seemed somewhat distracted. "Our intelligence reports that the entire line of defense includes a safeguard zone of 4-14 km in depth and a main defense zone of 6-8 km in depth. The French have spent billions of francs on this line. The fortifications at Metz and Lauter are particularly strong. The Saar area, primarily made up of natural river barriers and swamps, has only recently begun constructing fortifications and is consequently the weakest point," he noted.

The generals, hands on their chins, nodded in agreement. This line, a culmination of World War I experiences, was a formidable barrier designed to deter any German advances. The Lower Rhine fortification utilized natural barriers like the Rhine, Rhone, and Caiin Canals, supplemented by permanent shooting positions along the Rhine.

The most fortified sections, Metz and Lauter, featured a comprehensive group of fortifications suitable for all-around defense, combining both surface and subterranean elements. The surface included armored or reinforced concrete machine gun and artillery positions, while the underground comprised multiple levels with command posts, personnel quarters, storage areas for food and ammunition, medical stations, power generators, and ventilation systems. These were interconnected by passages for electric vehicles. The entire line boasted about 5,800 permanent fortifications, with a density of 15 per kilometer. The thickest reinforced concrete covers and walls measured 3.5 meters, and the armored turrets could withstand direct hits from two 420-mm mortar shells.

The line also included extensive anti-tank and anti-infantry obstacles, such as trenches, cliffs, and metal and concrete piles, all reinforced with minefields. Some sections even featured electrified fences.

"The largest caliber artillery in the German Army currently is only 150 millimeters. Even considering naval artillery, the largest we have is 280 millimeters. Thus, it's unlikely that we could breach this line without significant losses," a staff officer remarked, estimating a potential loss of 100,000 troops within five days of an assault, a scenario the military was eager to avoid due to its policy of maintaining an elite force.

Meetings like this had become frequent since the news of the French fortifications, often ending in frustration. Akado, allowed to attend as a special adviser, had his own strategies in mind but was not yet ready to reveal them.

The discussion shifted to potential actions. Invading through the Netherlands and Belgium to bypass the Maginot Line would likely provoke a global conflict, an outcome neither the military nor the government desired. Thus, the focus remained on Austria and Czechoslovakia, attempting to mislead Britain and France and avoid provoking the Soviet Union.

"General Brahich," Akado called out to his confidant, and they retreated to a quieter corner. Without preamble, Akado inquired about preparations on the Eastern Front. Brahich reported readiness but expressed concerns about potential entanglements with the Czechs and the French.

Akado suggested a feint: "Propose the construction of a 'Siegfried Line' along our border to mislead the French. But let's not invest heavily in it. Use cheaper materials where possible, and create dummy installations. I want it to appear formidable without incurring great expense."

As they were discussing, Anna, Akado's secretary, interrupted with news that General Tukhachevsky from the Soviet Union had arrived and was waiting for him. Excusing himself, Akado left the meeting and greeted Tukhachevsky warmly. The Soviet General expressed regret over a recent arson incident, which Akado was quick to link to broader geopolitical maneuvers, hinting at Soviet involvement despite the official stance.

Their conversation touched on various issues, from Soviet naval developments to the delicate balance of power in Eastern Europe. Tukhachevsky presented Akado with a medal from Stalin, a gesture acknowledging their complex but cooperative relationship. However, Akado was clear about his intentions in Eastern Europe, despite potential conflicts this might provoke with the Soviet Union.

As their meeting concluded, Akado declined an invitation to dine, citing a need to return quickly to the Soviet Union. They parted with mutual assurances of further discussions, leaving the complexities of their countries' interactions hanging in the balance.

Tukhachevsky, having reached the doorway, paused and turned to face Akado. His expression was serious as he posed his question, "Mr. Prime Minister, may I inquire how you intend to handle the situation with Germany? They have, after all, challenged our ultimate limits this time."

Akado, without meeting Tukhachevsky's gaze, responded in a hushed tone, "The situation is indeed dire, General. Those who support me are expecting a firm response. We must be tough on Germany." He left the word 'tough' hanging ominously in the air, allowing Tukhachevsky to grasp the grim implications without further elaboration. The streets and alleys of Germany were about to witness actions that could not be undone, signaling the onset of a purge.

In this fraught atmosphere, Akado and his allies, all staunch adversaries of the Bolsheviks, saw a perfect opportunity to strike decisively. Just two days prior, as Tukhachevsky prepared to board a plane, he had received the distressing news of the execution of several comrades, a clear sign that the purge had already begun.

With a heavy heart, Tukhachevsky made a personal appeal, leveraging their friendship and the recent concessions the Soviet Union had made in Austria and Czechoslovakia. "Given our personal rapport and the sacrifices made by your government, might I request safe passage for some individuals?"

Akado considered this, then replied, "I will grant safe exit for 500 individuals, no more. Select them from the middle management. The high-profile figures must stay; I owe that much to my supporters." His voice was firm, leaving no room for negotiation.

Tukhachevsky nodded, a sad smile fleeting across his face. "Thank you, my friend. It's tragic, knowing the real story yet watching as innocent lives are sacrificed for political ambitions."

Akado's expression remained neutral as he responded, "Often, we are forced to make choices that do not align with morality or truth, but rather with power and gain."

The conversation took a darker turn when Tukhachevsky, with a sudden intensity, declared, "I once said I hoped never to meet you on the battlefield. Now, I think differently. If it comes to that, I will not hesitate to oppose you directly."

Akado's smile was enigmatic as he replied, "Avoiding such a confrontation would be in my best interests as well. Rest assured, I will do everything to prevent it."

With that, Tukhachevsky departed as abruptly as he had arrived, taking with him several gravely injured Germans who had been prominent figures in the Communist International and were now under Soviet protection. Others, less fortunate, were herded onto trains bound for the Soviet Union, unaware of the significant territorial concessions made by their government to save them.

The purge in Germany was accelerating. Just the previous night, all German trade unions had been dissolved, and their leaders arrested. High-profile members of the legislature were not spared, and the streets were awash with the agents of Reinhardt Heydrich, head of the SS, who relished the scent of blood in the water.

Heydrich's SS troops had been busy, rounding up anyone deemed a threat. Their extensive list of targets included key figures from the backbone of the resistance and even some who were merely sympathetic to their cause. This list, significantly influenced by the Grand German Party and the National Defense Forces, was designed to eliminate competitors and consolidate power.

The business magnates of the Grand German Party, like Krupp and Gerin Nike, saw this as an opportunity to crush their rivals. They provided Heydrich with a comprehensive list of those they wanted gone. This purge was not just about eliminating political threats; it was also about securing economic dominance.

Meanwhile, Akado leveraged the chaos to push through drastic changes. The Nazi Party, under his directive, had managed to secure overwhelming control in the legislature, allowing Akado to enact sweeping reforms. Elections were suspended, the constitution was to be rewritten by the executive branch, and basic freedoms were curtailed.

In a bold move, Akado had even manipulated the incapacitated state of President Hindenburg to secure his own elevation to legal dictator. His first decree was the outright ban of the Communist Party and the establishment of concentration camps for dissenters.

Following these drastic internal changes, Akado sought to strengthen his international position. He extended an invitation to Italian leader Mussolini, aiming to broker an understanding with Austria and Czechoslovakia, thereby solidifying his power both at home and abroad.

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