Benito Mussolini, the Italian dictator, is often credited as the quintessential fascist. He not only coined the term "fascism," but also founded the Fascist Party and consistently proclaimed himself as the leader of the global fascist movement. Mussolini's rise to power was meteoric, particularly after World War I, a period that proved fertile ground for his opportunistic policies. To garner popular support, he exploited the public's fear of the burgeoning communist movement while simultaneously tapping into the growing nationalist dissatisfaction stemming from Italy's meager gains in the post-war treaties.
On March 23, 1919, Mussolini orchestrated the launch of the "fascist movement" and established the world's first "combat fascist party" in Milan. The party's political agenda melded the rhetoric of syndicalism with that of nationalism. Between 1919 and 1922, a period marked by significant turmoil, Mussolini utilized his Blackshirt paramilitary squads to suppress striking workers, communists, and socialists. By 1920, the communist threat had diminished, and in the 1921 general elections, 22 fascists were elected to the Italian Parliament. The Fascist Party was organized on a national scale, and Mussolini was hailed as the "Duce," or leader. A significant general strike in 1922 was quashed by Mussolini's forces in an event known as "The Charge." This set the stage for the meticulously planned "March on Rome" on October 28, 1922. During this crisis, Mussolini remained in Milan until King Victor Emmanuel III, swayed by his indecisive advisors, rejected the proposal to arrest Mussolini and instead invited him to form a government on October 31, thus appointing him as Prime Minister.
Mussolini harbored considerable disdain for Germany's contemporary policies, seeking instead a radical ally to support his expansive ambitions. He found such an ally in Adolf Hitler, the leader of the German Nazi Party. Consequently, Mussolini's Blackshirts became staunch supporters of Hitler's Brownshirts. Without Italian backing, the Nazi Party's paramilitary might have faltered. This connection underscores the derivative nature of the Nazi Brownshirts, modeled directly after Mussolini's Blackshirts. Interestingly, the term "Stormtroopers," used to describe the Nazi squads, is a direct appropriation from Italian terminology—a fact that highlights the lack of originality in their naming.
Mussolini's decision to visit Germany was also a strategic compromise, necessitated by the political circumstances of the time. The Fascist Party's counterpart in Germany, the Nazi Party, was experiencing suppression until a man named Akado Rudolph ascended to the pinnacle of German power, marking a return on Mussolini's investments in Germany. Rudolph, now in a position of strength, extended an invitation to Mussolini. Although Mussolini could have declined under different circumstances, the pressing issues concerning Austria and Czechoslovakia compelled him to accept.
Upon his arrival in Germany, Mussolini was set to meet with Akado, a meeting that was uncomfortable given the mutual recognition of each other as leaders—a dynamic that typically breeds conflict. Prior to this meeting, the Soviet government had tacitly accepted Germany's annexation of Austria, choosing instead to focus on its own expansion. Similarly, the French government, distracted by financial turmoil and the construction of the Maginot Line, failed to pose any immediate threat to German maneuvers in Austria. Thus, Mussolini's visit was seen across Europe as a crucial diplomatic effort to preserve Austria's independence. In anticipation, Italy had positioned four divisions along the border, with Mussolini affirming to reporters, "The independence of Austria must be ensured."
Despite Mussolini's reputation, many in Akado's Germany held a poor opinion of Italy under his rule. Throughout World War II, the Italian military's performance was lackluster; they suffered severe defeats in North Africa and displayed minimal combat effectiveness on the Eastern Front. According to an unofficial historical account, when Mussolini inquired about Italian losses after the Battle of Stalingrad, Hitler famously retorted, "No! Italy suffered no losses! Because they all ran away!" This anecdote reflects the strained relations between Italy and Germany, influencing Akado's lack of urgency in forging an alliance with Mussolini, whom he viewed as an unreliable partner.
Nonetheless, Akado prepared meticulously for his meeting with Mussolini, recognizing Italy's significant naval and air force capabilities. The meeting, held in the German Chancellor's office, began with cordial greetings and photo opportunities, but the atmosphere quickly shifted once the reporters departed. Mussolini expressed his hope for a democratic Germany, criticizing any potential suppression of democracy. Akado, undeterred, responded sharply, highlighting the hypocrisy of Mussolini's statement given Italy's own undemocratic practices. The conversation then turned to strategic alignments, with Mussolini suggesting cooperation with the Nazi Party and subtly promoting Hitler's leadership, which he believed would serve both their interests.
As the discussion progressed, Akado revealed his disinterest in the internal influence of the Nazi Party, stressing that it was a matter for the German people to decide. He then strategically redirected the conversation towards the pressing issues of Czechoslovakia and Austria, urging Mussolini to consider his position carefully. Mussolini, standing firm, declared Austria's independence as his bottom line, prompting Akado to present a document outlining his proposals, thus leaving the ball in Mussolini's court to make the next move in this high-stakes diplomatic game.
"Proposal? What proposal? What proposal would allow me to give up Italy's interest in Austria?" Mussolini stared at Akado, his hands clutching the documents on the table with palpable doubt. He read through them carefully, his eyes narrowing as he absorbed the content. The documents were far from inadequate; they presented several conditions from Germany that piqued Mussolini's interest significantly. For instance, Germany promised to recognize Italy's privileges in Ethiopia and pledged support in controlling African colonies if necessary. More crucially, the agreement stipulated that should either Germany or Italy gain control over the Suez Canal, the other would recognize this control and permit its use free of charge.
The key revelation came from another document indicating that the Soviet Union had acknowledged Germany's control over Austria and Czechoslovakia, showing restraint and tolerance towards this annexation. The exact means by which Germany compelled the Soviet withdrawal from these regions remained unclear. However, this document also subtly revealed Germany's long-term strategic planning. With Germany appearing well-prepared, the other major powers—France, Britain, Italy, and the United States—seemed relegated to a reactive stance. At this juncture, Mussolini realized that Italy's influence on the matter was minimal.
Upon reviewing a third document, Mussolini felt a numbing shock. To encourage Germany's eastward ambitions, the British government had unilaterally recognized Germany's annexation of Austria and the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia, asking for nothing more than a nominal "notary fee" in return. Now, aside from the defensive preparations along the French border at the Siegfried Line, only Italy and the United States held any significant sway over Germany's eastward push.
Mussolini's thoughts were interrupted as Akado, seemingly reading his mind, said, "Don't worry, I have dispatched my personal envoy to the United States to meet with President Roosevelt, who has just inherited a complex situation. If all goes as planned, they should be negotiating even as we speak."
"The United States won't just sit back and watch a once formidable adversary rise again," Mussolini retorted, his brow furrowed.
"You forget, the United States was not a signatory to the Treaty of Versailles," Akado countered with a smile. "They aren't even considered an enemy by Germany. Trust me, they wouldn't dream of going to war with the United States for at least the next 30 years... So, why do you think the United States would refuse my offer?"
"What offer?" Mussolini asked sharply.
"A coalition against the real enemies!" Akado replied, his smile broadening.
"Real enemy? Are you referring to...?" Mussolini began, but Akado cut him off.
"You need to read through everything carefully before jumping to conclusions. If I were in your position, I would see it as a beneficial exchange—trading hypothetical advantages for tangible gains."
Mussolini's frown deepened as he turned to the end of the stack of documents. There, an independent bill lay atop the pile, titled 'International Agreement on Property'. His eyes widened as he flipped through it impatiently. The agreement comprised three main texts, subsidiary protocols, and secret annexes. The primary content was straightforward: first, the contracting parties would exchange information on the activities of the Communist International and take necessary preventive measures; second, they would act against "third countries threatened by the Communist International" or invite them to join the agreement; third, they would establish a standing committee to manage these affairs.
The secret annexes were even more revealing. They stipulated that if one of the contracting states were attacked or threatened by the Soviet Union, the other must not act in any way that benefited the Soviets and must immediately discuss measures to "protect common interests." Furthermore, no political treaty with the Soviet Union that violated the spirit of this agreement could be concluded without the consent of both parties. The document also included a photograph of the signed agreement—a secret pact between Germany and Japan, now officially in force.
"See!" Akado said, his grin unwavering. "You have my guarantee, and I yours. You seek security; I provide it. I have approached this peace effort with sincerity, and now the decision rests with you, 'Leader'."
"You plan to hold both the positions of prime minister and president alone, correct?" Mussolini asked after a long silence, his question seemingly trivial yet loaded with meaning.
Akado understood the gravity behind Mussolini's words and nodded. "I can ensure the full implementation of this document and these secret agreements. I could even prevent the envoy from traveling to Italy, negotiating, and signing a comprehensive covenant between our two countries."
"If the United States eventually opts out, then Italy will remain neutral," Mussolini declared, pushing the responsibility away yet considering the documents once more.
Outside, a luxurious Mercedes-Benz car pulled up in front of an ornate iron gate. Two servants in formal attire pushed the gate open, and the car proceeded down the driveway toward an opulent castle. At the main entrance, the vehicle slowed, and a man who appeared to be the butler, around fifty years old, stepped forward to open the door. The woman who emerged from the car caused everyone present to catch their breath. Her beauty seemed to draw all the world's allure to her face, embodying the very essence of breathtaking allure. With her presence alone, she eclipsed the importance of the dozen or so businessmen and officials gathered there.
"Miss Mercedes, you have had a long journey. Please, come inside," the butler said, bowing deeply.
"Apologies for making everyone wait," Mercedes said with a smile, nodding to the assembled group. "I decided to inspect the preservation of Ford's equipment on a whim. After all, acquiring the company is one of my objectives."
"Miss Mercedes, will the Bai Lanhua Group, or the gentleman in Germany, truly assist the United States in overcoming its predicament?" an elderly man leaning on a cane inquired quietly as he accompanied her inside.
"Indeed," Mercedes replied, her smile warming the room. "If the United States supports Germany in its territorial disputes and backs its firm stance on international issues, Bai Lanhua Group will help create at least 300,000 jobs in the U.S."
The old man nodded. "The United States has consistently supported all countries concerning the Communist International. This is undeniable. And our non-participation in the Treaty of Versailles post-war clearly demonstrates our sincerity towards Germany."
As they reached the castle's grand hall, Mercedes casually chose a sofa to sit on, and the old man, signaling for a drink, allowed those of sufficient status to find seats while others stood in clusters around the room.
Without waiting for Mercedes to speak, the old man continued, "However, President Roosevelt and certain members of Congress are uneasy about Germany's territorial demands. They hope I can persuade the gentleman to moderate his requests, and in return, the United States would offer appropriate compensation. Wouldn't that be more agreeable for everyone?"
"In my fiancé's eyes, there is no room for compromise," Mercedes replied, her gaze dropping slightly. "What we need most, I believe you understand, and I trust you have the influence to persuade President Roosevelt and sway Congress."
"And what would be the benefit for us?" the old man asked casually.
"A 30% stake in Coca-Cola," Mercedes answered, her smile unwavering.
Unnoticed by the others, her hands were clenched tightly together under the table, her palms sweaty. Negotiating with the head of the Morgan Consortium was no small feat. She waited about a minute, ready to increase her offer to 50% if necessary, but the old man spoke first.
"Deal!" he said with a smug smile. "Young lady, you have remarkable composure. If you hadn't shown a hint of nervousness, you might have even saved that 30%."
"My fiancé mentioned that it would be beneficial to be allied with the Morgan family," Mercedes said, standing up without offering her sweaty hand. "I await the good news from the Morgans."
Exiting the castle and stepping into her car, Mercedes gazed out at the passing scenery and instructed her driver, "Send a telegram to Akado. Tell him I failed, didn't follow the plan as intended, and lost 30% of the Coca-Cola shares."
"Miss, was the other party that difficult to negotiate with?" the driver inquired as he drove.
"He was more formidable than I anticipated, not so much in understanding the global situation, but in business acumen," Mercedes sighed. "My father trained me in business, and I thought I knew it well, but these titans of commerce are on another level."
Meanwhile, in Berlin, Akado chuckled upon receiving Mercedes' telegram. "That's my fiancée. Compared to Austria and Czechoslovakia, what's 30% of Coca-Cola?" he mused privately, a thought he kept to himself: Once the war starts, those shares won't matter anyway.