The banquet had begun, and the cheerful dance music stirred people's enthusiasm to take to the floor. Many young men and women danced gracefully, but this occasion wasn't for someone like Sheffield—a country bumpkin who viewed it as just another routine ball. Only a portion of the Secretary of State's entourage was invited to attend.
Behind the opulent hall lay the real decision-making arena. Prince , Chancellor of the German Empire and Prime Minister of Prussia, rested his head on his hands, his expression still tense. Such tension was part of his daily life. The chancellors of the German Empire could be divided into two types: one was Bismarck, and the other was everyone else.
This was especially true after Wilhelm II ascended to the throne. There would never again be a strong chancellor like Bismarck. Yet, the political environment of the German Empire inevitably demanded a strongman. It was simple—the strongman had to be the Emperor himself. Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst found himself in this awkward position.
Though the German Empire had long been unified, in a sense, it remained a loose confederation of states, albeit not as exaggerated as Austria-Hungary's dual monarchy. Balancing the interests of various royal families, Junkers, and capitalists across the empire was no easy task, even though not all regions, like Bavaria, still maintained their own armies.
One issue frequently raised in recent years was tariffs. Like the United States, Germany had spent decades catching up by raising tariffs to protect its domestic industries. However, higher tariffs inevitably invited retaliation, leading to a cycle of escalating trade barriers.
By now, Germany's development was relatively stable, and growing discontent in the Ruhr region over these tariffs was palpable. The retaliatory measures resulting from high tariffs fell heavily on them. To progress further, they needed access to larger markets. But if the empire maintained such high tariffs, how could they expect to enter foreign markets?
"High tariffs are no longer appropriate. What is the point of this situation? Protecting East Prussian agriculture? Yet we still import grain because those estates cannot meet the nation's needs. What's the point of such protection? The retaliation from high tariffs has made German exports uncompetitive. For the sake of national development, the eastern estates must step back, and high tariffs must become history."
The speaker was a heavyweight figure: August Thyssen, president of Thyssen United Company. His sharp eyes scanned the group before him; he had long harbored dissatisfaction with the high-tariff environment.
Thyssen United Company had suffered significantly from the tariff policies. Traditionally, the Russian Empire had been a major export market for Germany, accounting for 30% of Thyssen's exports. Initially, most in the Ruhr region supported the tariff policy because Britain occupied much of the domestic market, and losses from Russia could be offset domestically. But now, the situation had changed, and tariffs had once again become a focal point of contention.
"August is absolutely right. We cannot remain locked within our borders," another representative from the Ruhr region chimed in—none other than Alfred Krupp, recently seen in Essen.
Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst looked at the two men and the silent but similarly expressive crowd behind them. They represented over 260 cartel companies, 300 coal mines, 200 mining operations, 50 transportation companies, more than 100 power plants, over 200 banks and trading firms, and thousands of industrial entities.
In coal, steel, cement, and machinery, they accounted for more than half of Germany's internal market share. Though Thyssen and Krupp were far from friends, they stood united on this issue.
"Friends from the Ruhr, you should understand how crucial food security is for a nation, especially in our environment surrounded by unfriendly neighbors. We must ensure that German citizens' food supply is not vulnerable to external shocks."
"The best way to avoid shocks is to improve production capacity and achieve self-sufficiency before discussing vulnerability. In reality, the nation imports grain year after year—you haven't achieved this. You claim to protect national security but fail to meet the needs of the entire German population. How is this protecting food security? I don't see it."
"We need broader markets, not to be locked within our borders. Do you understand? Even in agriculture, our estate owners clearly lack the foresight of the so-called country bumpkins."
"Have you been bribed by the Americans? Why are you speaking on behalf of those bumpkins?" The opposing side erupted in accusations, questioning the loyalty of Thyssen, Krupp, and others to the nation.
"The international environment isn't as simple as you imagine. Do you think flashing your noble titles will make others pay willingly? Trade is reciprocal. Can't you use your stubborn, steel-hard heads to think about this?"
Both sides began accusing each other of selfishness. On the issue of tariffs, their positions had reached an irreconcilable conflict.
"They manage agriculture, and so do you. Why can't you ensure food security for all Germans? Since you can't, and we're importing anyway, why not let them help you?"
"Our United States is far more purchasing-powerful than the Russians right now. It depends on the Ruhr region's stance—whether they can gain an advantage over the rural Junkers." Sheffield poured a glass of champagne for Russell Cantor, a member of the Secretary of State's staff, clinking glasses with him. "I hope everything goes smoothly."
"What if the Germans refuse to give up their interests? The U.S. hopes to secure Germany's support for Venezuela," Cantor said, troubled. "I've heard there are many spokespeople for the German estate owners."
"What's there to talk about then? Do we owe the Germans anything? They want to profit without effort—what's the point of wasting time? Are they waiting to take advantage at the negotiating table?" Sheffield sneered. "With such good opportunities, do they really think they'll get a turn? Let's go to the British instead."
After seeing off the Secretary of State's aide, Sheffield sipped his champagne leisurely and summoned John Connor. "Find me a newspaper with a large circulation but minimal political bias. Have the people at our London office spend some money to humiliate the United States—two satirical cartoons would be perfect."
"Master, what?" John Connor looked at Sheffield, puzzled. Were they going to insult themselves?
"It's criticizing the federal government, not me. Just go ahead and handle it," Sheffield shrugged.
(End of Chapter)