Joseph exited the Kremlin and settled into his car, unable to suppress the unbridled joy surging within him. His face broke into a broad smile, radiating satisfaction.
The conversation with Ulyanov had been immensely gratifying, yielding significant benefits. Never in his wildest dreams had Joseph imagined being appointed as the Naval Commissar—a position wrested from Trotsky, a veritable plum of power. While the navy was far from rivaling the army in prominence, it was still a branch of the military. Expanding his influence into the armed forces significantly bolstered Joseph's standing. Though not yet capable of surpassing Trotsky, he could now stand on equal footing with him.
More importantly, this appointment seemed to signal Ulyanov's implicit support, a shift that would undoubtedly sway the neutral factions. Should they align with Joseph, it would mark an extraordinary boon for his ambitions.
The following day, the Bolshevik Politburo convened in a small conference room within the Kremlin. At present, the Politburo comprised only five members: Ulyanov, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars; Kamenev, Chairman of the Moscow Soviet; Krestinsky, a member of the Organizational Bureau; Joseph, Organizational Bureau member and Commissar for Nationalities, Workers' and Peasants' Inspection, and Foreign Affairs; and Trotsky, Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council and Commissar for War and Navy Affairs. These individuals formed the apex of Bolshevik leadership.
"Comrades," Ulyanov began, "Joseph has successfully completed his diplomatic visit to Germany, engaging in discussions with Kaiser Wilhelm III and securing a series of agreements highly favorable to our party and our nation. Let us applaud his efforts and dedication to our cause."
A smattering of applause filled the room, thin and sparse due to the limited number of attendees. Yet, the stature of those clapping was enough to fill Joseph with immense satisfaction.
"Thank you, thank you," Joseph responded humbly. "All of this was achieved under the wise leadership of Chairman Ulyanov. Without his guidance, I could not have successfully concluded the mission in the German Empire."
Trotsky's expression darkened. Ulyanov's unreserved praise for Joseph had caught him off guard and was decidedly unwelcome. Trotsky harbored aspirations for Ulyanov's position, viewing his own eventual ascension as inevitable. While Ulyanov's revolutionary prestige had initially outshone his, Trotsky had always believed that upon Ulyanov's demise, he would inherit the mantle of supreme leadership. To see Ulyanov now leaning toward Joseph was a bitter pill to swallow.
In Trotsky's view, Joseph was vastly inferior in experience, capability, and influence. Trotsky had always maintained the upper hand in their rivalry. However, Ulyanov's shifting stance posed a significant threat, unsettling the delicate balance of power.
"Comrades, Kaiser Wilhelm III has agreed to repatriate ethnic Russians from German-occupied territories to our motherland by spring," Ulyanov announced. "This will be a tremendous boost to our national strength and prevent further losses for our party. Joseph deserves great credit for this achievement."
The first agreement with Germany met little resistance among the Bolshevik leadership. Though it signified a failure to penetrate the new German territories, it allowed them to preserve some strength—a rare victory for the Bolsheviks and Soviet Russia. However, by spring, it would become clear that relentless German offensives had decimated the partisan fighters and Bolshevik members in those regions, leaving a trail of invaluable talents lost to the German forces.
On this matter, Trotsky chose to remain silent, knowing full well that he could have done no better under similar circumstances.
"The second agreement concerns Germany's support for rebuilding our industrial system," Ulyanov continued. "The costs will be paid with agricultural and mineral resources. What are your thoughts on this?"
"Chairman," Kamenev interjected, "reconstructing our industrial system is an immense undertaking, requiring thousands of factories and astronomical sums of money. We simply cannot raise such funds in the short term, extending the construction period to ten years or more. Additionally, our current resource-for-goods trade with Germany has already caused significant hardships for our people. If we continue bartering agricultural products, the consequences could be dire."
Ulyanov's expression grew tense. "Is there no way to increase agricultural output?" he asked.
"Chairman," Kamenev replied, "losing Ukraine, half of Belarus, and the Baltic States has drastically reduced our arable land. Agricultural yields have naturally declined. Moreover, the severe shortage of pesticides and fertilizers has further restricted per-acre output."
"Our agreement with Germany includes the construction of pesticide and fertilizer factories," Ulyanov countered. "Once operational, these factories will alleviate shortages, boosting agricultural productivity. Though we must endure hard times now, the restoration of our industry will eventually improve the lives of our people. Only a strong industrial base can empower our nation, freeing us from subservience, safeguarding against foreign invasions, and ultimately achieving the liberation of all humanity!"
"But can we trust Germany to assist us in rebuilding our industry?" Trotsky challenged. "Let us not forget, we share a border with them. A stronger Russia may not be in their interest."
"Germany is the world's dominant power," Joseph retorted. "Perhaps they do not even see us as a threat. The disparity between our nations is simply too vast."