When Joseph returned to Moscow, it was already mid-January. Before leaving Berlin, he had reported the outcomes of his visit to Germany to the domestic leadership. However, the agreements reached had sparked intense debate within the Bolshevik Party. Some believed Germany's intentions were far from benign. The primary concern centered on Germany's proposal to assist Soviet Russia in building a transportation network—interpreted by many as preparation for a future invasion.
Conversely, others were inclined to accept Germany's aid. After all, Germany was the only nation currently willing to help Soviet Russia rebuild its industrial system. Without a robust industrial foundation, it would be nearly impossible for Soviet Russia to develop into a powerful industrial state. As for Germany's ulterior motives, those who supported the collaboration argued that once Soviet Russia had strengthened its own capabilities, it would no longer need to fear Germany. They believed the nation would then have the power to stand its ground.
Despite several discussions among the party leadership, no consensus had been reached on the matter. Lenin decided to temporarily shelve the proposal until Joseph returned to Moscow, after which a Politburo meeting would be convened to deliberate further.
When Joseph arrived in Moscow, Chicherin greeted him outside the city. In this timeline, Joseph held the additional title of People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, a position occupied by Trotsky in another timeline. Joseph's dual role was largely attributed to his connections with Germany. As the preeminent global power, Germany's engagement with Soviet Russia required a diplomat well-acquainted with its leadership. Joseph's ties with Berlin made him the ideal choice, greatly benefiting Soviet Russia's foreign policy.
"Comrade Joseph, you must be weary from your journey. Comrade Lenin sent me to welcome you. Your visit to Germany has undoubtedly yielded tremendous results, and Comrade Lenin is very pleased," said Chicherin.
"Comrade Chicherin, I've heard some within the party are far from satisfied with my efforts—some have even accused me of betraying the party and the nation," Joseph remarked, his own channels keeping him informed of Moscow's developments during his absence.
The open accusations of betrayal primarily came from Trotsky's faction, highlighting the intensifying competition for Lenin's succession, a contest that had reached a fever pitch.
Chicherin's expression stiffened. "Comrade Joseph, at least Comrade Lenin fully acknowledges your achievements on this mission."
Joseph nodded. Indeed, Lenin's influence within the party had reached near-divine levels, rendering other opinions negligible. As long as Lenin was satisfied with him, the discontent of others was inconsequential.
"Comrade Lenin has requested you meet him at the Kremlin this afternoon," Chicherin added.
"Understood," Joseph replied with a nod. He knew Lenin was eager to discuss the German mission and seek his perspective. Convincing Lenin of the mission's significance was crucial to ensure his contributions were recognized. Joseph began contemplating how best to present his case.
Later that afternoon, when Joseph arrived at the Kremlin, Lenin was taking a brief nap. Age and years of exile in Siberia had taken a toll on his health. This frailty had exacerbated tensions between Joseph and Trotsky, both striving to secure Lenin's endorsement as his successor before his passing.
Joseph stopped Lenin's secretary from waking him and waited quietly. A short while later, Lenin stirred, his gaze falling on Joseph. "Comrade Joseph, why didn't you wake me? Our time is precious, and you have your own pressing tasks. This delay is entirely unnecessary!" Lenin chided, though there was a faint warmth beneath his stern tone.
"Chairman, you've been working tirelessly for the party and the nation. You deserve some rest. As for the lost time, I'll make it up with extra hours," Joseph replied.
"Very well, Comrade Joseph, but let this be the last time!" Lenin relented. Despite his words, he was secretly pleased by Joseph's consideration—a trait that set him apart from Trotsky, often earning Lenin's favor.
Once the secretary left and they were alone, the conversation turned to the critical matters at hand.
"Comrade Joseph, what are your impressions from this trip to Germany?" Lenin inquired.
"Chairman, my deepest impression is the sheer strength of Germany. They are undeniably the world's foremost power. Their army is unmatched, and their navy dominates the seas. No other nation can rival them," Joseph replied solemnly.
Lenin's expression grew grave. He trusted Joseph's assessment, which was surely devoid of exaggeration. Germany's military might posed a grave threat to other nations, Soviet Russia included. Should Germany seek to dominate Europe, Soviet Russia would undoubtedly be its first target.
"If Germany were to attack us, could we withstand them?" Lenin asked.
"Chairman, I'm no military expert, but I can say with certainty that with our current forces, resisting a German invasion would be utterly impossible," Joseph responded with candor.
Lenin fell silent, contemplating the precarious position they were in. While German support had been instrumental in the Bolshevik rise to power, Lenin had always harbored a sense of unease about Germany's dominance. He knew that a strengthened Germany would inevitably endanger Soviet Russia's security. Yet, rejecting Germany's aid outright was not an option; without it, the revolution might not have succeeded.
Now, the focus shifted to securing the nation's safety—a task that demanded every ounce of effort and strategy they could muster.