Joseph and his entourage boarded the train, contentedly departing Berlin to return to Moscow. Although their mission had not succeeded in arranging a meeting with QinTian, the results were nonetheless satisfactory.
The German government had fully accepted the trade proposal from the Russian Bolsheviks. However, they stipulated that half of the payment must be in the form of grain, with the remainder to be settled through timber and mineral resources.
Despite Russia's current dire food shortage, Joseph did not find this request particularly troubling. After all, Germany had long been deficient in grain, and it was only natural for them to demand as much of it as possible. As for the consequences this would bring upon Russia, Joseph paid little heed. While he knew that such a deal could lead to widespread starvation, it no longer concerned him. His mission was simply to secure Germany's agreement to trade with Russia, and that had been accomplished. Any further complications were beyond his responsibility.
Little did Joseph know, in their desperate pursuit of machinery, the Bolsheviks would go to any lengths. They forcibly seized the last grains of food from farmers, indifferent to their suffering or death. To them, the revival of the nation's industry was paramount; if some lowly peasants had to perish in the process, so be it.
"Your Majesty, the Russians have actually agreed to our terms. Do they not realize this will cause widespread starvation?" Premier Belov exclaimed in astonishment.
"The leaders of the Bolshevik Party care nothing for the lives of ordinary Russians," QinTian replied coldly. "After all, Russia's population is vast, and the more die, the fewer soldiers we will face when the time comes to confront them. This will work to our advantage."
QinTian was fully aware of the immense threat Russia's industrial resurgence would pose to Germany. Were it possible, he would have preferred to isolate Russia and prevent their industrial recovery entirely. This would make it much easier for Germany to defeat them in the future. But he knew that even if Germany did not sell machinery to Russia, they would acquire it elsewhere—perhaps from the United States, which, given the opportunity, would relish seeing a strong Russia rise. Such a development would tie up Germany's resources in Europe and eliminate any potential threat to the U.S.
Therefore, rather than allow the Americans and Russians to engage in such transactions and reap the profits, it was far more advantageous for Germany to handle the trade. This way, Germany could both profit and secretly undermine Russia, ensuring they paid a much higher price for their industrial recovery. This, QinTian believed, would be most beneficial for Germany.
Premier Belov nodded thoughtfully. While such manipulation of Russia might seem underhanded, he reasoned, there was no moral issue when it came to the Empire's interests. If a little cunning could ensure the Empire's rise to greater strength, then it was worth it.
"By the way," QinTian continued, "have the Foreign Ministry contact the Russians. We are more than willing to help them develop their industry and economy. Our two countries could engage in deeper cooperation on this front."
"Your Majesty," Premier Belov said, bewildered, "are we truly seeking to make Russia stronger? In the future, they will surely become the Empire's enemy. Strengthening them now only brings trouble; when the time comes to defeat them, it will cost us dearly."
"Don't worry," QinTian reassured him. "I'm not simply strengthening Russia; I'm setting a trap. Russia's transportation infrastructure is abysmal. If we aim to destroy them in the future, these poorly constructed roads will be our greatest obstacle. So, while assisting Russia in industrial and economic development, we'll also help them develop their transport system. Railways and highways will allow us to advance swiftly when the time comes. Should fortune favor us, we could march all the way to Moscow."
Premier Belov's mouth fell open in disbelief. He could scarcely imagine such a plan succeeding. The Russians were not fools—they would surely resist. But he knew that, if executed, this would be a tremendous advantage for the Empire. With such a strategy, it was possible that Germany could utterly defeat Russia and perhaps even annihilate them.
"Your Majesty," Belov said, bowing his head, "I will instruct the Foreign Ministry to do all in its power to make this happen. I hope the Russians will agree to cooperate."
QinTian nodded, and once Premier Belov had departed, he pondered the likelihood of this plan's success.
Napoleon's failure to conquer Russia, QinTian mused, was less due to Russian resistance than to the harsh winter and disastrous logistics. Russia's vast expanse granted them astonishing depth, and with such poor infrastructure, any invading army would be driven mad by logistical challenges.
In another timeline, the German army had faced the same predicament. Hitler's millions-strong army had achieved early victories, decimating much of the Russian military. But Russia's immense depth and poor transport networks meant that even millions of troops could not occupy the land effectively. In the end, Russia not only defended its capital but, bolstered by sheer numbers, began to retaliate, causing the Germans to falter.
Now as Emperor, QinTian knew that war with Russia was inevitable. The Bolsheviks had grand ambitions of liberating the world, and Germany, the leader of the capitalist world, was their main adversary. As long as Russia posed a threat, Germany could never rest easy. Thus, he hoped to crush Russia decisively in the coming war, solidifying Germany's dominance and eliminating any threat to their security.
"God willing, let the Russians agree to the development of their transport infrastructure," QinTian muttered to himself. "Then, our powerful armored divisions can march along their railways and highways straight into Moscow and the heart of Russia. That will make the war much easier to win."