Moscow, the Kremlin.
This had once been the palace of the Tsars, and even though Russia's capital had shifted from Moscow to St. Petersburg, the status of Moscow as the heart of the empire had not been greatly diminished.
After the Bolsheviks had overthrown the Tsarist regime, they had chosen to restore Moscow as the capital. The primary reason for this was that St. Petersburg was too dangerously close to Germany. The Baltic States had already been ceded to the Germans, and should the German forces march from Estonia, they could reach St. Petersburg in a matter of days. With Finland also poised to become an independent nation under German support, it was all too clear that an independent Finland would fall under German influence. Thus, the German military could use Finland as a springboard for an attack on St. Petersburg. Keeping the capital there would place the entire Bolshevik Party in jeopardy.
After the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, the Bolsheviks finally withdrew from the war, focusing their efforts entirely on crushing the White Army loyal to the Romanovs. After months of relentless fighting, they had more or less stabilized their position and gained a decisive upper hand.
However, as Chairman Ulyanov sat at his desk, there was no sign of triumph on his face. The room was filled with the senior leaders of the Bolshevik Party and the high-ranking military commanders, all gathered for an important discussion.
"Comrades," Ulyanov began, his voice grave, "the struggle against the White Army is drawing to a close. Both Kolchak and Denikin cannot hold out for much longer. Soon, our red banner will fly over all of Russia."
The faces of the leaders and generals were illuminated with hope. For the revolutionaries, only after the defeat of the White Army could they claim true victory. Until then, they remained vulnerable to a potential counteroffensive. Once the revolution was secure, these long-suffering leaders would no longer endure such hardship. At the very least, their conditions would improve considerably.
"But our Party and our country remain in peril," Ulyanov continued. "To the West, a vast empire is rising. They will soon become the masters of all Europe, and if they decide to attack us, do we have the strength to resist?"
At this, the room grew tense. The military commanders, well aware of their own forces' capabilities, exchanged uneasy glances. While they had been victorious against the demoralized White Army, facing the might of the German Empire would be an entirely different matter — it would be near impossible to withstand. Worse still, they would be sending their soldiers to certain death.
"Comrade Chairman," Joseph spoke hesitantly, his voice strained. "We have a close relationship with Germany and have signed a peace treaty with them. Surely, they would not break their word and launch an attack against us?"
Ulyanov's gaze turned steely. "Comrade Joseph, do not place too much trust in the Germans. They are, after all, one of the most powerful empires in the world. If it serves their interests, I can assure you, they will betray us without hesitation."
Joseph faltered, and the room fell silent for a moment. "Then what should we do, Comrade Chairman?" asked Krestinsky, a member of the Organization Bureau, his voice laced with concern.
The German Empire loomed large and ominous. Compared to the Bolshevik-controlled Russia, it was an overwhelmingly powerful force. If the Germans set their sights on Russia, they would be powerless to stop them.
"Germany will not move against us just yet," Trotsky interjected. "They have only just defeated France, and their peace treaties with France and Italy have only just concluded. They are about to launch an attack on Britain. Furthermore, they have suffered significant losses in this war. Therefore, for the moment, Germany is unlikely to attack us."
Ulyanov turned his attention to Trotsky. "Comrade Trotsky, what is your assessment of Germany?"
"Comrade Chairman," Trotsky replied gravely, "there is no doubt that Germany is nearing victory in this world war and will soon emerge as the dominant power. In this context, Russia should avoid antagonizing Germany and, above all, should not provoke them unnecessarily. Though we have signed a peace treaty, the Germans' ambitions are growing, and sooner or later, they will turn their eyes on us."
"Comrade Chairman," Trotsky continued, "I propose that once our war with the White Army is over, we should immediately seek to strengthen our ties with Germany. We should acquire advanced machinery and equipment from them. Only through industrial development can we begin to produce the advanced weapons and military hardware we need to defend ourselves from the growing threat of Germany."
Ulyanov nodded slowly. Russia's industrial base was woefully underdeveloped, and the army had struggled during the war, lacking even basic equipment. The situation was dire, and merely relying on courage and ideology would not be enough to withstand a modern, heavily armed force. Trotsky, as the architect of the Red Army, understood this reality better than anyone.
"We can obtain the necessary machinery from the Germans," Joseph added, "but we should also look elsewhere — from the Austro-Hungarian Empire or even the United States. The Americans, especially, are driven by money. They care little for ideology, and as long as we can pay, we will acquire what we need."
"Indeed," Kamenev spoke up, "Germany is not only a severe threat to us but also to the United States across the ocean. If we were to form an alliance with the Americans to counter the Germans, our position would be much stronger."
While the United States, a capitalist nation, had once sent troops to join Japan in attacking Russia, international relations were rarely permanent. In the face of a common enemy, even former adversaries could set aside their differences. Nations acted out of interest, not loyalty, and in such a situation, pragmatic alliances could be formed.
"Enough, comrades," Ulyanov said, raising his hand to silence the room. "I have heard your opinions. I will consider the matter and inform you of my decision shortly."
Now, Ulyanov's power had grown immensely. He no longer seemed like the outsider he had been when he first signed the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, the minority figure within the Bolshevik ranks. His grip on power had solidified, and Russia's future would depend on the choices he made in the days to come.