Launching an operation to invade Britain and utterly defeat it is not an insurmountable challenge for the current German Empire. After all, aside from its formidable naval strength, Britain's land army is considerably weaker. Once the British navy is neutralized, their army will undoubtedly be an easy target for the German forces.
As long as the German navy secures control over the North Sea and the English Channel, it can effortlessly transport the German army to British soil. Admittedly, such an invasion will incur substantial casualties; however, where there is war, there will inevitably be loss. If we can obliterate Britain, even at the cost of significant sacrifices, it would be a price worth paying.
Defeating Britain and becoming the first sovereign in European history to conquer the island through military might would undoubtedly etch one's name into the annals of history. Thus, Wilhelm II found the prospect intriguing. He was an immensely proud individual, driven by a desire to achieve great feats.
"Your Majesty, the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister wish to see you," announced an aide.
"Yes, let them in!" Wilhelm II nodded.
QinTian ceased speaking, aware that the joint visit from the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister indicated a matter of importance.
"Your Majesty, Your Highness!" Prime Minister Bernhard von Bülow and Foreign Minister von Kidlen-Waichte bowed as they entered the office.
"Please, have a seat, Prime Minister, Foreign Minister!" Wilhelm II greeted them with a smile, appearing quite pleased, perhaps due to the prevailing sentiment that victory in the war was assured.
"Your Majesty, our armistice with the Russians has left our allies somewhat dissatisfied. The ambassador from the Austro-Hungarian Empire has just departed the Foreign Office. He expressed significant indignation on behalf of his nation, claiming that our actions disregard their interests," Foreign Minister von Kidlen-Waichte reported.
Wilhelm II furrowed his brow, realizing that in their eagerness to secure German interests, they had overlooked the concerns of Austro-Hungary. Though he believed his approach was justified from the German Empire's perspective, he acknowledged that, in the ongoing war, it was crucial to consider the sentiments of their allies. After all, Austro-Hungary's involvement was essential to divert some of the enemy's attention from Germany.
"What do you believe we should do?" Wilhelm II inquired.
"Your Majesty, given the situation with Austro-Hungary, should we not contemplate conceding a portion of our gains to them? This could help preserve our alliance," suggested Prime Minister Bernhard von Bülow.
Relinquishing hard-won advantages was not something Wilhelm II relished, yet for the greater good, he resolved to generously share some of the benefits with Austro-Hungary, demonstrating that aligning with Germany would yield substantial rewards. Such actions would encourage more nations to follow Germany's lead. Even if Germany ascended to global dominance, support from other countries would remain indispensable, especially with a similarly powerful nation across the ocean eyeing their position.
However, QinTian had a different perspective.
"Father, Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, I must express my dissent," QinTian interjected.
"Austro-Hungary is our traditional ally and a steadfast supporter. Do you not think we should grant them a share of our newfound benefits?" Wilhelm II asked.
"Certainly, Father. Austro-Hungary is indeed our ally. However, I believe we should not use the gains acquired from Russia to appease their demands. The Russian gains are far too vital for us. We can utilize benefits from elsewhere to satisfy them—such as the Balkans. Hasn't Austro-Hungary long desired expansion into the Balkans? Once we achieve breakthroughs on the Western Front, we could send a contingent to assist them in their campaigns there, enabling their expansion. As for the benefits gained from Russia, we should retain them for our own use," QinTian articulated.
"Your Majesty, that seems like a prudent strategy. Compared to the territories ceded by Russia, those in the Balkans would be less advantageous for Austro-Hungary. Moreover, the Balkans have always been an area of contention for them, where they struggle to establish a foothold. Thus, it may be wise to grant the Balkans to Austro-Hungary to appease them," Foreign Minister von Kidlen-Waichte agreed.
"Yet, might this lead to dissatisfaction from Austro-Hungary? They are certainly aware of the significant benefits we have gained from Russia," Prime Minister Bernhard von Bülow expressed concern.
While the negotiations with the Russian Bolsheviks were conducted in secrecy, the pervasive network of spies among nations made true confidentiality impossible. Particularly for Russia, their information was like an open book to other countries.
It was clear to Austro-Hungary that while Germany had secured vast territories in Eastern Europe, they were left with only the barren Balkans. Such disparity would naturally breed discontent among the Austro-Hungarian leaders, as it is often human nature to share hardships but not to divide fortunes. The relationships between nations are often far more fragile.
"If Austro-Hungary remains dissatisfied, we might consider offering them additional benefits elsewhere, perhaps by ceding part of our territories in Italy or providing them with a share of the war indemnities. We should make every effort to meet their needs and alleviate their discontent. If, despite our efforts, they refuse to accept, then the German Empire should not feel compelled to accommodate them too much. After all, their role in the empire has changed dramatically since the onset of war!" QinTian asserted firmly. He was resolutely opposed to allowing Austro-Hungary to expand into the Eastern European plains, which he regarded as his domain, particularly as they would soon become the frontline against the Russian Bolsheviks.