"Your Majesty, esteemed colleagues, I propose that we engage in peace talks with the Bolsheviks. The Russian Civil War has erupted, and the Bolsheviks are no longer inclined to continue fighting. For them, defeating the royalist factions loyal to the Tsar is of paramount importance. In this context, they undoubtedly wish to avoid interference from foreign powers. Therefore, if we can initiate negotiations, it will be something they greatly desire. This presents us with an opportunity to acquire what we seek at the negotiating table," QinTian articulated.
Emperor Wilhelm II nodded, his eyes glistening with desire for Russia's vast territories and resources. Had the situation on the Western Front not taken precedence, he might have contemplated deploying forces against Russia. However, for Germany, securing victory over Britain and France was the foremost priority. Thus, he found himself curbing his ambitions, hoping instead to extract territorial concessions and reparations from the Bolsheviks through negotiations—an effortless acquisition of their desires.
"Your Highness, if we are to pursue peace talks with the Bolsheviks, we must present them with numerous stringent demands. Will they be amenable to such terms? After all, the leaders of the Bolshevik party are no pushovers," Prime Minister Bernhard von Bülow remarked.
"Indeed, Prime Minister, while the Bolshevik leaders exhibit considerable tenacity, their resolve is relative. In their view, party interests supersede national concerns. Thus, should they be able to withdraw from the war and address domestic dissent and foreign interference, they would not hesitate to sacrifice national interests," QinTian asserted emphatically.
"Your Highness, are you jesting? Such a notion is inconceivable!" exclaimed Foreign Minister von Kidlen-Wachstedt, astonished.
The others, including Wilhelm II, echoed this incredulity. To them, national interest was paramount; their actions were always in service of the state. They were taken aback by the notion that anyone would prioritize party over country.
"Father, esteemed colleagues, while this may seem implausible, I assure you it is true. If they refuse our terms, we must project an image of impending aggression. They will inevitably capitulate," QinTian affirmed confidently.
"Your Majesty, if the Bolsheviks truly operate in such a manner, it would be immensely advantageous for the Empire! We could seize this opportunity to extract substantial reparations from them," von Kidlen-Wachstedt smiled.
"Very well! Let us proceed according to the Crown Prince's advice!" Wilhelm II declared.
Following the meeting, QinTian, Prime Minister von Bülow, and Foreign Minister von Kidlen-Wachstedt began deliberating the terms they should propose to Russia.
"Your Highness, what are your thoughts on the conditions we should present to the Bolsheviks?" von Bülow inquired. With QinTian's outstanding military and political capabilities, along with the solidification of his status as Crown Prince, the bureaucratic faction of the Empire had begun to lean towards him, provided Wilhelm II continued to support him. Had Wilhelm II wished to dismiss QinTian, they would undoubtedly rally behind the Emperor, for Wilhelm II was the true sovereign of the Empire, while QinTian was merely a reliable heir.
"Prime Minister, I have given this considerable thought. Our demands of the Bolsheviks must be exceptionally severe—so much so that even a lion's share would leave room for negotiation. Ultimately, they will agree to our terms," QinTian stated.
Simultaneously, QinTian's mind began to recall the contents of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk from an alternate timeline. If the Bolsheviks could agree to such terms then, it was likely they would acquiesce to even more stringent demands in this reality.
"Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, I propose that our principal demands focus on territory and reparations. Russia must relinquish control over Poland, Lithuania, Courland, Livonia, and Esthonia, ceding these regions to the German Empire. Additionally, we should allow for the independence of Finland and Ukraine. If feasible, we should aim to occupy all or part of Belarus. Regarding reparations, we should insist on no less than sixty billion marks, and if possible, increase this to one hundred billion marks. The Bolsheviks have effectively inherited the vast wealth left by the Tsar and are currently plundering Russia. Paying one hundred billion marks in reparations should not be an insurmountable burden for them," QinTian articulated.
Both Prime Minister von Bülow and Foreign Minister von Kidlen-Wachstedt were left speechless. The severity of QinTian's proposed conditions was beyond mere harshness; acceptance would yield immense benefits for the German Empire. Yet, they doubted the Bolsheviks would acquiesce to such stringent terms.
"Your Highness, do you genuinely believe the Russians will accept such demands?" von Kidlen-Wachstedt asked, swallowing hard.
"Absolutely, I am confident! As long as we project the threat of military action should they refuse, I believe they will comply. Moreover, their current situation is inextricably linked to our support. It is now their turn to pay the price!" QinTian beamed.
"Then let us negotiate with the Russians according to your stipulations. Foreign Minister, you will represent the Empire in these negotiations," Prime Minister von Bülow instructed.
"It would be my honor!" von Kidlen-Wachstedt responded eagerly. Should he succeed in securing substantial benefits for the German Empire during these negotiations, he would earn immense accolades.