"Russia's insurrection has occurred at the most inopportune moment! Is it not a sign of extreme fragility that Nicholas II and his regime were so easily overthrown? This poses a significant dilemma for us!" declared Sir Edward Grey.
"Nicholas II was overly confident; he believed he could effectively quell the uprising, which is why he did not leave St. Petersburg at the first sign of trouble. Had he fled the city, even if St. Petersburg fell, he could have regrouped and mounted a counteroffensive against the insurgents. The situation would not have spiraled into chaos as it has," Churchill remarked.
"And what of Nicholas II now? We do not even know whether he lives or dies!" lamented Chancellor Lloyd George.
"Who knows? Our embassy has reported that the Winter Palace has been stormed by the insurgents. The imperial family was there at the time, so it is likely he has been captured," Sir Edward replied.
"Prime Minister, in light of the current situation, we should initiate contact with the Bolsheviks. If they are willing to uphold their treaty and continue fighting against Germany, we may not need to interfere in Russia's internal affairs," Churchill suggested.
"Are you suggesting we abandon Nicholas II and collaborate with the very rebels?" Prime Minister Asquith furrowed his brow, struggling to accept the notion.
"Prime Minister, Nicholas II has effectively sealed his own fate; we are powerless to save him. He may already be dead. For us, winning this war is paramount. All else can be set aside for now. If it means defeating the Germans, even an alliance with those insurgents is justifiable," Churchill insisted.
Although Churchill's words elicited frowns from several cabinet members, they had to concede that he had a point. For the British Empire, the most pressing matter was to vanquish Germany and the Central Powers to secure victory in the world war. Other considerations could wait until they ensured the Empire's supremacy was maintained.
"Your suggestion, Churchill, may well prove impractical!" Sir Edward sighed, shaking his head in resignation.
"Why is that?" Churchill raised an eyebrow.
"The relationship between the Bolsheviks and Germany is exceedingly close. They have received unwavering support from the Germans. How else could the Bolsheviks have grown so powerful in such a short span?" Sir Edward explained.
"What? Is this true?" Churchill's eyes widened. If this information were accurate, persuading the Bolsheviks to adhere to their treaty and wage war against the German Empire would be nearly impossible.
"Indeed, the embassy has verified this information," Sir Edward affirmed.
"Damn it! How could the Germans have anticipated this? They began laying plans years ago. This is undoubtedly a severe crisis for the British Empire!" Churchill lamented.
"Gentlemen, since it seems the Bolsheviks are unlikely to turn against Germany, how shall we approach them?" Asquith inquired.
"Prime Minister, we cannot allow them to grow stronger. Although St. Petersburg has fallen into their hands, and they are gradually seizing control of other major cities, there remain many loyalists to the Tsar in Russia. We must support them in combating the Bolsheviks, ideally to eradicate them altogether. If necessary, we should not hesitate to deploy our own forces to Russia!" Churchill declared, his jaw set.
"Have you lost your mind, Churchill? We can barely withstand the pressure from Germany, and now you wish to provoke the Bolsheviks? That would be inviting disaster!" Sir Edward exclaimed.
"If we allow the Bolsheviks to gain strength, they will become a formidable enemy to the entire capitalist world," Churchill countered.
"However, we currently lack the resources to intervene in Russia's revolution," Richard Haldane pointed out.
"True, this is indeed a challenge. However, we can explore alternative approaches. Did we not place large orders for munitions from America? Those weapons can still be sent to Russia, but into the hands of the loyalist troops. Let them engage the Bolshevik rabble!" Churchill proposed.
Asquith nodded. "That is feasible!"
After all, those arms were originally intended for the Tsar's forces. Now, they would be used against the Bolsheviks instead.
"Given the current circumstances, neither we nor the French can deploy troops to intervene in Russia—at least not until we have triumphed over Germany. However, we can enlist the help of other nations! Japan in the Far East and the United States can both intervene in the Russian revolution. Should the Bolsheviks become powerful, they too will face a threat. Furthermore, those Japanese have long coveted territories in Russia's Far East. Encouraging them to intervene in the revolution could yield significant benefits for us," Churchill suggested.
"That is indeed a viable strategy. Prime Minister, we should certainly explore this option!" Sir Edward agreed.
"Very well, let us proceed with this plan!" Asquith confirmed, adopting the recommendation.
Subsequently, Britain actively reached out to France, the United States, and Japan. Numerous capitalist powers viewed the Bolsheviks as a dire threat, and if they could be eradicated, it would be for the best.
Japan, particularly enthusiastic, had long harbored designs on territories in Russia's Far East. With the Bolshevik uprising and the overthrow of Nicholas II's rule, an opportune moment had presented itself. Especially with the backing of the British and French, they would not let this chance slip away. Thus, the Japanese cabinet swiftly resolved to dispatch 100,000 troops to land at Vladivostok to intervene in the Russian revolution.
The United States would also send a contingent of troops to land in Murmansk, while Britain and France would symbolically deploy a modest number of their forces to partake in the intervention.