"Mr. President, isolationism is currently prevailing domestically. If we were to directly involve ourselves in the war, it would likely incite strong public opposition. Therefore, entering the conflict at this juncture is not advisable," Vice President Marshall remarked.
"Mr. President, I concur that we should wait for the situation to clarify before deciding whether to join the war, or on which side we should take a stand," added Secretary of the Navy Daniels.
"Gentlemen, how should we respond to the British request?" President Wilson inquired.
"Since the British wish to hire our merchant vessels, purchase our war supplies, and seek loans from us, we can certainly oblige. This would stimulate our economic growth while simultaneously bolstering British strength. The German U-boat warfare is indeed tightening the noose around Britain. With its limited landmass, Britain heavily relies on maritime transport. If the Germans were to completely sever these supply lines, it would spell disaster for them," stated Secretary of Commerce Redfield.
"It would be ideal to prevent the Germans from winning this war. Before hostilities broke out, German capital had poured into South America, competing with us for dominance there. Should the Germans emerge victorious, their aggression would likely intensify, jeopardizing our foothold in South America. I trust we all agree that such a scenario is undesirable," Redfield continued.
The members of the U.S. Cabinet suddenly grew serious at this sentiment.
The American government has always regarded the Americas as its backyard, resolutely opposing any foreign interference. The previous competition between the U.S. and Germany in South America had already raised alarms. If Germany were to triumph, it would hasten its efforts to seize control of the region. Could the U.S. retain its influence in South America if Germany became the world's preeminent power?
"Mr. President, let us covertly support the British. Let them engage the Germans! Ideally, they would inflict heavy losses on each other, which would ultimately benefit us," proposed Secretary Garrison.
"However, wouldn't this action provoke the Germans?" Vice President Marshall expressed concern.
"As a neutral nation, we have not entered the war; our interactions with the British are merely normal trade relations. The Germans cannot prohibit our trade with Britain, can they? While the military might of the United States is not overwhelming, it certainly is not something the Germans can easily disregard," Secretary Bryan responded.
After a moment of contemplation, President Wilson nodded. "We can accommodate the British request by allowing them to hire our merchant vessels for transport. We can also sell them war supplies, but prices must be increased accordingly. As for loans, we can provide them, but the British must present collateral, such as gold or their colonies!"
The American government, adhering to mercantilism, was well-versed in commercial practices. Now that the British needed their assistance, they were poised to negotiate terms favorably. The U.S. was the world's leading debtor nation, and how effectively it could address its debts depended on the profits garnered from the war.
Having been a dominant power for centuries, Britain had amassed significant wealth. If the U.S. could seize some of that wealth, it would be immensely beneficial. Moreover, America covets Britain's vast colonial holdings. The U.S. had risen too late, finding that much of the world had already been divided. This moment presented a rare opportunity for opportunism.
"Indeed, Mr. President," Secretary Bryan affirmed, fully grasping Wilson's intentions.
"Nonetheless, we must tread carefully with the Germans. If the conflict appears to be tipping in their favor—indeed, should they be destined for victory—we cannot afford to antagonize them. The United States will always align itself with the victors," President Wilson stated.
This pragmatic stance was not surprising; the stakes were too high to back the losing side without severe repercussions.
"Yes, Mr. President," the other Cabinet members nodded in agreement.
"Gentlemen, the developments of this war have exceeded our expectations. The strength exhibited by Germany is astonishing. Thus, our options are becoming increasingly limited. We must proceed with greater caution; each decision must be weighed carefully, as it pertains directly to the future of the Republic," President Wilson urged.
"Mr. President, I believe it is imperative that we bolster our military forces in the current climate. While the army may suffice, no nation has the capacity to launch an assault across the ocean against the American mainland. Our navy, however, must be significantly strengthened. Ten dreadnoughts and four battleships under construction are woefully insufficient compared to the naval capabilities of Britain and Germany. We require a far more formidable navy; otherwise, our influence on the global stage will diminish," Vice President Marshall asserted.
"Indeed, our naval strength must be enhanced," President Wilson agreed.
"Secretary Daniels, please expedite the submission of a new naval construction plan. The Navy of the Republic must rank among the world's foremost. Any nation contemplating aggression against the United States must think twice," President Wilson declared.
Should Germany win the war, it would present a far more daunting challenge than Britain. While Britain's naval prowess was formidable, its army was comparatively weak. Germany, however, boasted an army of unparalleled strength. Should Germany's navy also achieve supremacy, no nation could contend with its might. To safeguard its interests, the U.S. must bolster its military capabilities.
"Yes, Mr. President," Secretary Daniels nodded in affirmation.