While the excitement of the victory in the Battle of Petrograd was still fresh,Constitutional Democratic Party leader Pavel Milyukov and October Party Two people were summoned: Alexander Guchkov, the leader of the Kremlin, and Igor Kovachov.
Milyukov is also a historian, and Guchkov is the president of an insurance company, and both have the appearance of Western elites.
By the way, at that time, the Duma, the lower house of the Russian Empire, had a capacity of 450 seats, of which the Union of Russians, which was made up of patriotic and nationalist factions, had 88 seats, while far-right extremists affiliated with the former Black Hundred had 64 seats.If they were successful in forming a coalition, they would become the largest force with 152 seats.
The left-wing parties won just 24 seats, while the centre-left Progressive Party won 47 seats and the centre-liberalConstitutional Democratic Party 57 seats, the moderate conservative Centre Party 33 seats, and the conservative October Party had 99 seats.
With the outbreak of the war, the Russian Social Democratic Party, which included Stalin's former base, the Bolsheviks, had already been outlawed, causing many party members to flee to Britain and France.
When the German army invaded the mainland, Emperor Nicholas II declared a "state of emergency" throughout the country, and further declared "martial law" if necessary, to strengthen the military's crackdown on anti-government activity.
Although the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Trudoviks were still barely surviving, they were on the brink of collapse due to the aforementioned severe crackdown, and Emperor Nicholas II was left with no choice but to remain.Constitutional Democratic Party and October Party He also intended to call on the leaders of political parties such as the Centre Party and the Progressive Party to form a national unity cabinet and ensure "peace within the castle" in order to wage the war.
In short, while the whole country was in a winning mood and the Emperor's approval rating was rising, he wanted to form a cabinet that was convenient for him.Democratically...His plan is to form a cabinet in order to achieve two goals: to gain popularity and to create a puppet government.
"The Burgfrieden in Germany, the Union Sacré in France, the Grand Coalition in the UK... other countries are united in their efforts to achieve victory. In our own country too, the only person who would stab us in the back during a national war would be a traitor. And I hope that you will not be the case."
At the time, Milyukov and Guchkov were planning to form a grand coalition between the Constitutional Democrats and the October Party called the "Progressive Bloc," but Emperor Nicholas II put a stop to this and personally instructed them to also form a coalition with the more pro-imperial Conservative Bloc.
The ones who were surprised by this were Milyukov, Guchkov, and the others who had been called in.
(I never would have thought that His Majesty, who hates Parliament, would try to secure its support...!)
By the way, although there was a parliament in the Russian Empire, its function was limited to legislative power; it could not appoint the ministers of state who made up the cabinet, and the cabinet was not responsible to the parliament.
In other words, the emperor had complete control over executive power, and not only did he have the power to appoint the prime minister and ministers, but also the power to direct foreign affairs and to exercise supreme command. In addition, he had the power to dissolve parliament and veto bills, so if he wanted to, he could force parliament into a halt at any time by using his veto or dissolving it.
However, Stalin believed that in order to win the world war it would be more advantageous to use parliament rather than abolish it.
However, I have no intention of allowing free discussion.
(It's not like the Western style where amateur politicians are trying to trip each other up for their own selfish gain and can't make any decisions.Free...Congresses do more harm than good... but like the Soviet Party CongressUnited...A parliament can demonstrate national prestige and national unity.
A total war would require weapons, soldiers, logistics, production capacity, technology, and financial resources that were not possible in previous wars. Total war was a war of attrition, and Stalin aimed to mobilize a wide range of national power by taming parliament.
As a result, while "universal suffrage" would be allowed and voters' rights would be expanded, the right to "freedom of thought and speech," which allows for certain anti-government activities, would be severely restricted...the goal was to create an all-ruling party support parliament.
"The German Empire is a powerful enemy. If we fight among ourselves, we will not be able to win battles that we can win."
Emperor Nicholas II then went on to discuss the inner workings of the Constitutional Democrats and the October Party.
"Despite this, why are both parties so consumed with infighting and political infighting, rather than uniting for the good of the country and its people?"
Nicholas II's words hit Milyukov and Guchkov in the spotlight. As the Tsar had pointed out, the two largest parties in the Duma were constantly fighting among themselves during the war.
Specifically, the Constitutional Democratic Party has split into the mainstream, progressive-leaning "Speech" faction led by Milukov, and the non-mainstream, conservative-leaning "Signboard" faction led by Struve, while the October Party has split into three factions: left, center, and right.
"If we join the grand coalition, we will promise to give the Duma the right of no confidence in the prime minister."
"Oh, really?!"
The Emperor's words made Milyukov of the Constitutional Democratic Party blurt out something.
Until now, the appointment of the chancellor in the Russian Empire was a matter of the emperor's choice, and a cabinet system of detachment rather than a cabinet of responsibility was adopted. The cabinet was responsible only to the emperor and was not bound by either parliament or political parties.
However, if the Duma were given the right of no confidence, it would be able to check the administration by denying the prime minister appointed by the emperor. Since the executive branch could not function without a prime minister, the emperor would naturally have no choice but to compromise with the Duma.
(But the Emperor still has the power to dissolve the Duma and call new elections at any time... we can't let our guard down.)
However, compared to the previous Tsarist autocracies, this was still a clear concession. The Tsar was positive about reviving the parliament, which had been made a nominal instrument, and if this opportunity was missed, there was no telling when it would come again.
There were other concerns as well.
"At this stage, infighting between workers and aristocrats, leftists and rightists will only benefit the enemy. Don't you think we need an avant-garde, inclusive political party that will implement policies that will benefit all Russian subjects, rather than have the support of only a specific class?"
As expected, as Milyukov had feared, Tsar Nicholas II seemed to be trying to keep the "Grand Coalition" in power not just as a temporary wartime national unity government, but as an "umbrella political party" in peacetime as well.
The "umbrella political parties" referred to here are those that were more commonly seen in wartime cabinets of democratic countries and in fascist states than in socialist countries.
In preparation for total war, it incorporated a variety of ideologies, from liberalism to conservatism to the far right, and further forcibly incorporated all kinds of social classes, such as workers, peasants, soldiers, aristocrats, and bourgeoisie, into one.
And when a political party that is supported by all citizens, from all classes and walks of life, regardless of ideological affiliation, holds a majority in parliament, the legislative and executive branches work together under a parliamentary cabinet system to push forward strong policies.
(If grand coalitions become the norm, won't parliamentary democracy based on party politics essentially become meaningless...?)
"Incorporating all classes" may seem democratic at first glance, but in reality such inclusive parties have a very strong affinity with dictatorial states.
This is because incorporating all stakeholders into a single, umbrella political party pyramidal structure would actually negate diversity.
In short, the party becomes the only forum for political discussion, under the premise that "if a conclusion is reached by a party that incorporates diverse classes, it must take into consideration all classes."
While Milyukov was pondering what to do, Guchkov spoke first.
"Your Majesty, I'm sorry to ask, but may I first ask you about your thoughts on the national unity cabinet?"
Emperor Nicholas II smiled and nodded, then went on to propose the composition of the Government of National Unity.
"If a grand coalition is formed, the first thing we will do is appoint independent Prince Georgy Lvov as chairman of the State Council."
The State Council, the upper house of the Russian Empire, had 196 members, half of which were appointed by Imperial appointees, and of the remaining 98 seats, 56 were made up of representatives of local zemstvos, 18 from the nobility, 6 from the Russian Orthodox Church, 12 from business associations, 6 from the Academy of Sciences, and 2 from the Finnish Parliament.
As a result, the National Council was a stronghold of conservatives and was in conflict with the Duma, which was dominated by liberals despite having an electoral system that favoured landlords and capitalists.
The Lvov Dukedom is established for each region.Local Assembly He was the chairman of the Zemstvo Union, which united the various parties, and through his influence it was hoped that a wide range of national alliances could be formed. The Duke himself was an independent, but his lack of party affiliation would shine in a coalition government.
"Then I promise to remove the elderly Prince Golitsyn from his position, and appoint Milyukov as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Guchkov as Prime Minister."
The current Prime Minister, Prince Golitsyn, was old and too old to continue in the wartime position, but the two politicians were excited when they were offered the positions of Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, the second most important post after him.
"What do you think?"
For the reactionary Nicholas II, this was a fairly progressive cabinet reshuffle. The gray-haired Milyukov and the bespectacled Guchkov exchanged glances, and Guchkov was the first to accept the proposal.
"The October Party has no problem with this! We are grateful for His Majesty's generosity, and intend to give our all for the sake of our country!"
The October Party led by Guchkov originally had its support base among large landowners and merchants and industrialists, and its ideal was a constitutional monarchy based on strong monarchical power.
Their demands were limited to universal suffrage and freedom of speech and thought, and they were opposed to social reforms such as the redistribution of land and wealth.
The October Party believed that development through industrialization was possible even under the Tsarist regime, and argued that "Russia has its own climate, culture, and values, and Western-style human rights and democracy are incompatible with it."
Seeing Guchkov's reaction, Milyukov opens his eyes wide for a moment and is torn between practical benefits and his ideals.
(As for unity within the party, I have always thought that it was necessary...)
The Constitutional Democratic Party's main supporters are aristocratic intellectual professionals and landed aristocrats, and many of its members are university professors and lawyers.
The party's main positions are universal suffrage, freedom of speech and thought, as well as a responsible cabinet system, expanded local autonomy, strengthened judicial independence, progressive taxation, compulsory education, and expanded rights for women and ethnic minorities, and it advocates the ideal of Western-style democracy.
However, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan had no system of party discipline, and the gap between the ideal Western model and the reality of Russia was prone to internal party divisions.
In fact, in real life, the faction was divided over whether to ally with the socialist forces or the imperial government, and both were ultimately defeated.
In real life, Milyukov chose to ally himself with the left wing, but after receiving a proposal from Tsar Nicholas II, he came up with a plan.
(If we join this grand coalition, won't that unite our parties as one on the left side of the coalition government...?)
The structural weakness of the Constitutional Democratic Party is that, for better or worse, it is a moderate, centrist party. To put it positively, it is well-balanced, but to put it negatively, it tends to be half-hearted.
In fact, when the party was first formed, it had 100,000 members and boasted that "we are a political party for the whole nation, transcending all classes," but now membership has fallen to half that number.
In the end, the Constitutional Democratic Party was nothing more than a "liberal, landlord, bourgeois party." However, the reality is that by continuing to pursue the ideal of becoming a mass party, it ended up losing the support of everyone, from workers to farmers and merchants and industrialists, by trying to please everyone.
As if he could see through Milukov's thoughts, Emperor Nicholas II spoke solemnly.
"We could unite as the most progressive faction in a coalition government, and I believe you are better suited to that role than Struve."
(...!)
When the names of the leaders of the opposing factions were mentioned, Milyukov wavered.
(If I refuse here, the Kaiser intends to replace me in the coalition with Struve... I will either split the party, or stage an internal coup, or...)
On the other hand, the Emperor's proposal itself was very attractive.
If all political parties to the left of the Constitutional Democratic Party were to be outlawed, the centripetal force of the Constitutional Democratic Party and the Milyukov faction, as the only left-wing force within the system, would increase relatively.
As the war increased patriotism and the popularity of the emperor, and oppression of opponents became more severe, shouldn't people have taken the initiative to join the system and gain an advantageous position, rather than trying to oppose it in a clumsy way?
"Miliukov, don't miss the bus."
It was the Emperor's merciful, final warning.
"..."
After much hesitation, Milyukov finally gave in to the Tsar.
"I will humbly offer myself for my country..."
Thus, in consultation with Tsar Nicholas II, the Duma formed a Grand Coalition War Cabinet of national unity.
The deal was that the emperor would still deny freedom of thought and speech, but would make concessions on universal suffrage and a responsible cabinet system, and the parliament would promise peace within the city and support for the emperor.
＊＊＊
As planned, Prime Minister Prince Golitsyn resigned and was succeeded by Alexander Guchkov from the conservative October Party. Although Guchkov was a conservative politician, he was not from the aristocracy and was well-received by the common people as a "commoner prime minister."
But Nicholas II's reforms did not stop there.
"The Russian Empire is already making preparations for universal male suffrage for those over 25 years of age."
The Tsar's explosive statement, announced over the radio, quickly spread throughout Russia and instantly stirred up enthusiasm among the people who had been forced to endure the war and among the soldiers on the front lines.
"After hearing my previous statement, you are probably wondering: 'How long has that been going on?' And here is my answer."
--- Immediately, and without delay.
However, at that time, few people realized the true meaning of this "implementation of universal suffrage."