1950
Rohan Varma stood at the head of the long conference table in his office, hands resting on the wooden surface.
The room was quiet except for the low hum of the ceiling fan, but tension filled the air.
On the table were maps of the Korean Peninsula, intelligence reports, and transcripts of UN Security Council debates.
Neeraj Kumar walked in, carrying a leather folder packed with fresh updates.
"Neeraj," Rohan began without looking up, "what's the latest from Korea?"
Neeraj pulled out a summary sheet, his voice steady but grave. "North Korean forces have pushed deep into South Korea. Seoul fell faster than anyone expected. The Americans are mobilizing under the UN banner, but there's credible chatter that China won't sit idle if the fighting escalates near their border."
Rohan rubbed his temples, staring at the map. "The U.S. and its allies will push back hard, and if the Chinese intervene... this could spiral into something much bigger. We're sitting in the middle of a Cold War chessboard. How we respond will define India's role on the global stage."
Neeraj hesitated. "And domestically, Prime Minister, there are already murmurs. Some factions want us to side with the Americans for the sake of democracy. Others are saying this is none of our business, and we shouldn't risk provoking China or the Soviets."
Rohan sighed, straightening up. "We're not just spectators, Neeraj. We're on the UN Security Council. If we stay silent, we're irrelevant. But we also can't afford to pick a side that drags us into a war."
He paused, then added, "Let's convene a high-level meeting. Get General Negi, Rajeev Sharma from Intelligence, and K.N. Rao from R&AW. I want every angle covered before we make a move."
Two days later, the secure conference room in South Block buzzed with activity as senior officials filed in.
General Negi, Chief of Defence Staff, entered briskly, followed by Rajeev Sharma, head of the Intelligence Bureau, and K.N. Rao, who led the recently formed Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW).
Rohan began the meeting without pleasantries. "Gentlemen, the Korean War has changed the global dynamic overnight. We need a clear understanding of where this conflict is headed and how it could affect us. Sharma, let's start with you."
Rajeev Sharma adjusted his glasses, laying out a series of intercepts and intelligence summaries. "Prime Minister, North Korea's offensive was clearly planned and supported by the Soviets. However, we have reports suggesting China is deeply concerned about U.S. forces approaching its border. If the conflict continues, Beijing might send troops into Korea."
Rohan frowned. "And the Soviets? What's their endgame?"
Sharma leaned forward. "Stalemate. They want the Americans tied up in Asia, distracted from Europe. But they're careful not to get directly involved they're using North Korea as a proxy."
K.N. Rao chimed in. "Our immediate concern, Prime Minister, is what happens if China intervenes. A prolonged war could destabilize the region. Beijing might see this as justification to ramp up its military presence near our borders. The last thing we need is a stronger Chinese army sitting right next to Tibet."
General Negi, who had been quietly listening, spoke next. "Prime Minister, if tensions spill over into South or Southeast Asia, we need to be ready. Our forces are stretched thin as it is. Border fortifications need strengthening, and we'll need to step up joint exercises between the Army, Navy, and Air Force."
Rohan turned to Negi. "What's our current state of readiness?"
Negi's expression hardened. "We've made progress, but we're still years behind the major powers. The Army is focused on defense, the Air Force is expanding reconnaissance operations, and the Navy is patrolling the Indian Ocean. But we'd be hard-pressed to handle a conflict on multiple fronts."
Rohan nodded grimly. "Understood. Rao, I want constant updates on China and Soviet movements. Sharma, keep a close eye on U.S. and British military deployments. And Negi accelerate border preparations. We can't be caught off guard."
A week later, Rohan sat in his office across from U.S. Ambassador Chester Bowles, who had arrived with an air of urgency.
The American diplomat adjusted his tie and leaned forward, his tone pressing but polite.
"Prime Minister, the United States views this aggression in Korea as a direct challenge to international peace. We hope India, as a member of the Security Council, will support the UN resolution to assist South Korea. Your voice carries weight, particularly with nations still deciding where they stand."
Rohan listened carefully, his expression neutral. "Ambassador Bowles, India values the principles of sovereignty and international law. We condemn aggression in all forms. But we must also consider the broader consequences. If this conflict escalates, particularly with China, it could destabilize Asia for decades."
Bowles' face tightened slightly. "I understand your concerns, but the global community must stand united against aggression. Any hesitation could embolden the Soviets and their allies."
Rohan's tone remained measured. "India is not hesitant. But we're also not in a position to commit blindly. Our focus is on de-escalation, not escalation. Supporting peace doesn't mean throwing fuel on the fire."
Later that week, Rohan met Soviet Ambassador Semyon Denisovich Denisov at the Soviet Embassy. The atmosphere was cooler, the conversation marked by subtle undertones.
"Prime Minister Varma," Denisov began, his voice calm but deliberate, "the Soviet Union supports the Korean people in resisting Western imperialism. We view this as a struggle for self-determination."
Rohan leaned back in his chair, choosing his words carefully. "Ambassador, India recognizes the complexity of the situation, but we cannot condone acts of aggression that threaten global stability. Our position is clear: this conflict must not expand."
Denisov's expression hardened. "A neutral stance may appear wise, but inaction could encourage Western dominance in Asia."
Rohan countered, his tone firm. "Neutrality is not inaction, Ambassador. India's goal is to prevent a war that could engulf the region. If anything, our stance is what stands between escalation and diplomacy."
The meeting with Chinese Ambassador Chen Yi was more tense.
At the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi, the conversation quickly turned to Beijing's concerns over U.S. intervention in Korea.
"Prime Minister Varma," Chen began, his tone clipped but polite, "China cannot ignore the threat posed by Western military forces so close to its borders. We will act if necessary to protect our sovereignty."
Rohan nodded slowly. "India understands China's concerns, Ambassador. But escalation benefits no one, least of all your country. A broader conflict would leave Asia weakened and divided, while other powers benefit."
Chen's eyes narrowed slightly. "And what is India's role in this, Prime Minister? Are you truly neutral, or is your government leaning toward the Western bloc?"
Rohan met his gaze evenly. "India's role is to advocate for peace and stability. We have no interest in aligning with blocs we are aligned with the future of Asia."
Next day Rohan convened another high-level strategy session in South Block.
This time, the mood was more intense.
The war in Korea showed no signs of abating, and domestic political factions were growing restless.
"We need to finalize our position for the next UN session," Rohan said, addressing the room. "This war has already drawn in the Americans, and the Chinese are posturing. What are the latest updates?"
Rajeev Sharma spoke first. "Beijing has moved additional forces near the Yalu River, signaling readiness for intervention. Meanwhile, the U.S. is pressuring other nations to join their coalition. Domestically, leftist groups are accusing us of bowing to the West, while others demand stronger condemnation of North Korea."
K.N. Rao added, "We've also noted increased Soviet naval activity in the Pacific. They're being cautious but are clearly monitoring U.S. movements closely."
General Negi leaned forward. "Our focus remains on readiness. Border reinforcements are progressing, and joint drills have improved inter-branch coordination. But we need to accelerate equipment upgrades, particularly for the Air Force."
Rohan listened carefully, then stood, his tone decisive. "Our priority is clear: avoid entanglement in a global conflict while protecting our national interests. At the UN, we'll push for ceasefire negotiations. And domestically, we'll communicate our stance clearly we are for peace, not partisanship."