Dust swirled as Merkel, the German Foreign Minister, hastened to Moscow. Ignoring the ever-changing landscape of the Soviet capital, he entered the Kremlin, bypassing even a sip of water, and waited in the conference room for the Soviet leader, Stalin, to arrive. "Ah! Merkel! My old friend!" Stalin exclaimed, his voice echoing warmly in the room. Several of Stalin's associates had not been particularly friendly towards the Germans lately, so Stalin made a point of personally greeting Merkel this time, hoping to solidify support for his plan to attack Poland.
"Mr. Stalin, the great Soviet leader, it is a pleasure to see you as well," Merkel replied, nodding humbly before shifting to a more serious tone. "We have recently received alarming reports of a large-scale assembly of the Soviet Red Army along the Soviet-Polish border. The head of state has sent me here urgently to inquire about the situation."
Stalin's eyes narrowed slightly, surprised that the movement of his troops had been detected so quickly. He suspected a leak within his ranks, but he laughed it off. "The news of the German friends is indeed well-informed. Your efficiency is enviable! But this constant back-and-forth, using us to threaten the British and then using the British to threaten us, is quite tiresome."
Merkel smiled diplomatically. "Our nation is weak and must navigate carefully between powerful neighbors. It is a testament to the failures of our diplomacy."
Stalin chuckled, thinking about his plans for Poland and decided to cut straight to the chase. "Mr. Envoy, you are surely aware of the longstanding grievances we hold against Poland. What I am eager to understand now is Germany's position regarding Poland as a significant power in Europe."
"Mr. Stalin," Merkel began, pausing thoughtfully before continuing, "Germany maintains a complex but cooperative relationship with the Soviet Union. Although many of our collaborations are not for public boasting, the bond between our two nations has never been stronger."
"I value our friendship greatly and hope it continues to flourish," Stalin replied, his smile broadening, causing his beard to twitch slightly.
Merkel leaned forward slightly, lowering his voice. "The relationship between Germany and Poland has been strained, particularly over issues like the Danzig Corridor. Germany cannot overlook Soviet actions in Poland, as we still have many territorial disputes to resolve with them."
Stalin raised an eyebrow, sensing an opportunity. "So, it seems we have another shared interest in Poland."
"If the Soviet Union were to succeed in Poland, we could ensure that the Danzig Corridor is returned to Germany," Stalin proposed, though internally he scoffed at the simplicity of making such a promise.
Merkel internally disdained the empty promises but maintained his diplomatic smile. "The corridor is just a start. Our leader needs more assurances of security, especially since there's rising opposition to the Communist International in Germany. We seek a guarantee of absolute security concerning Poland."
"We will consider extending the German border a hundred kilometers east," Stalin offered, almost jokingly.
Merkel, struggling to keep a straight face at the proposal, suggested instead, "Perhaps it would be wiser to base our agreement on the outcome of our combined strengths."
Stalin's interest was piqued. "Oh? Do elaborate on how you see this strength being assessed."
"Let's attack Poland together. Where our forces meet will then become the new border between our nations," Merkel proposed, a cunning smile playing on his lips.
Stalin waved dismissively. "The side that advances first will face the brunt of Poland's defenses. I'm no fool to agree to such a disadvantage."
"What if Germany takes the initiative?" Merkel countered. "We could agree that the one who advances first will have a month's priority before the other joins. What do you think of this rule?"
Stalin paused, considering the implications. "I need to discuss this with my generals," he finally said, then clapped Merkel on the shoulder. "Rest now. We'll dine tonight and enjoy the finest vodka."
Surprised by the invitation, given Stalin's recent abstinence from alcohol, Merkel accepted graciously. "Your hospitality is most appreciated, Mr. Stalin. I believe our cooperation will indeed continue."
After Merkel left, Stalin convened with his advisors, weighing the German proposal against their strategic interests. "We must be cautious. The Germans could be setting a trap, as they did in Spain," one advisor warned.
Khrushchev, however, saw an opportunity. "The Red Army's capabilities should not be underestimated. We should seize the initiative."
Stalin, preferring to control the situation, eventually decided, "We'll sign a Soviet-German Non-aggression Treaty to secure our western border, then lead the attack on Poland. If we fail, we'll reveal the treaty and let Britain and France deal with Germany."
The following day, Merkel met with Stalin again, proposing that Germany should lead the attack. Stalin countered that the Soviet Union should strike first, with Germany joining three months later. The negotiations were intense, with neither side yielding.
Meanwhile, back in Germany, Akado was stirring national fervor. In a powerful speech, he declared the birth of the Third Reich and the official adoption of the 4D flag, signaling Germany's readiness for conflict.
"The first empire was the Holy Roman Empire, the second was the Wilhelm Empire, and now, we witness the rise of the Third Reich! Join me in this historic moment. Long live the Great Germany! Long live the Third Reich!" Akado's voice boomed over the radio, rallying the German people to the cause.
As Merkel and Stalin continued their strategic dance in Moscow, the stage was set for a conflict that would reshape the boundaries of Europe.
The year was 1937, and the geopolitical landscape of Europe was a tinderbox of tension and strategic maneuvering. German Foreign Minister Merkel, having just returned from a pivotal meeting with the Soviet Union aimed at securing cooperation, handed over the remainder of his diplomatic tasks and boarded a flight back to Germany. Upon his arrival, he urgently summoned the Polish ambassador to Germany, a move that sent ripples of anxiety through the diplomatic corridors.
Ambassador Lipsky, the Polish representative, was understandably nervous about this summons. Recent history had shown that such calls often preceded drastic shifts in territorial control: Czechoslovakia had been annexed following a similar summoning, Austria had been absorbed into the Reich, and Hungary had been coerced into alignment with German interests. Despite these ominous precedents, the Poles maintained a façade of confidence. The ten-year non-aggression treaty signed with Germany in 1929 was still in effect, and a recent trade agreement had affirmed Poland's most-favored-nation status. Lipsky, therefore, had little choice but to respond to Merkel's call.
Unbeknownst to many, Poland had seized the opportunity presented by the Czechoslovak crisis to annex the region of Teqing, a move that had severely irked Britain and France, causing them to reconsider their support. However, the Polish government clung to the belief that they held the upper hand, bolstered by a statement from the new British government which declared unwavering support for Poland's independence, promising assistance should Poland's sovereignty be directly threatened.
Stalin, the Soviet leader, reacted with scorn to Britain's declarations, mocking the fragility of Western Europe's influence. Meanwhile, the German Head of State, Akado, issued a cryptic yet ominous statement, asserting the preparedness of the German people to defend their nation against any acts of aggression.
In response to the escalating tension, the French government voiced its support for Poland, promising immediate military action against Germany should conflict arise. The British government echoed this commitment, outlining plans for aerial and ground support. Bolstered by these assurances, Poland reviewed its military readiness, confident in its ability to repel any German or Soviet aggression based on its historical victory over the Soviets in 1920.
The Polish military strategy, however, was fraught with challenges. Despite having a sizable force, the Polish army suffered from outdated equipment and inadequate training in modern warfare tactics. Communication relied on antiquated civilian infrastructure, and the distribution of forces was not optimized for the potential threats from both Germany and the Soviet Union.
Germany, on the other hand, had been quietly strengthening its military capabilities. Although the official troop numbers did not reflect the full potential due to strategic reserves and non-combat personnel, Germany was poised for a significant military campaign.
As the situation intensified, the Polish defense strategy aimed to utilize its cavalry and infantry to their fullest, relying on a network of fortifications along the border and counting on the swift and decisive support promised by Britain and France. However, the Polish high command had overlooked critical aspects of modern warfare, including the integration of armored units and the modernization of its air force, which paled in comparison to the advanced German Luftwaffe.
The French Chief of Staff, General Morris Gamlin, attempted to persuade Poland to consolidate its defenses by withdrawing from less strategic areas to protect vital industrial and population centers. However, Polish resolve to defend every inch of their territory was unyielding, driven by a fierce determination to resist any form of aggression.
Amidst these preparations, the "Soviet-German Non-aggression Treaty" was signed under a veil of secrecy, stipulating that Germany would not engage Poland if the Soviet Union decided to take military action. This pact set the stage for the Soviet offensive on July 20, 1937, which took the Western powers by surprise.
The initial Soviet assault was met with robust resistance from the Polish forces, who managed to repel the attackers and inflict significant losses. This unexpected success buoyed Polish morale and validated their defensive strategies. However, the situation escalated as the Soviet Union committed more troops to the conflict, intensifying the battle on the Eastern Front.
As Poland faced mounting pressure, the German Head of State, Akado Rudolph, delivered a provocative speech demanding the cession of the Danzig Corridor, a strategic region claimed by Germany. His speech, met with massive public support in Germany, added another layer of complexity to the already volatile situation.
The Polish government, encouraged by the initial success against the Soviet forces and reassured by the promises of support from Britain and France, rejected Germany's demands outright, refusing to concede any territory. This defiance set the stage for further conflict, as Europe edged closer to a widespread military confrontation, the outcomes of which would reshape the continent's political landscape profoundly.