In the wake of a tumultuous war, the negotiation of peace was as fraught with strategy and national interests as the battles themselves. The central issue at hand was the location for these pivotal discussions. Traditionally, London had been favored for such international dialogues, primarily because of the British Empire's formidable influence and the support it could garner from its allies. However, Bulgaria, ever wary of the underlying intentions and power dynamics, staunchly refused to convene in London. They proposed Berlin as an alternative, hoping to shift the balance of influence, but this suggestion was quickly dismissed by the other parties involved.
The tug-of-war over the venue continued, with suggestions oscillating between Vienna and Paris. Each location was weighed not just for its geographical convenience but for the political statement it would make and the strategic advantages it could confer. The underlying reason for this intense competition over the venue was deeply rooted in the war's outcomes. The two proposing countries, viewing themselves as victors, believed their preferences should dominate the negotiations. Bulgaria, on the other hand, perceived these countries as having been effectively checked by their adversaries, including a significant defeat handed to them by Romania. Thus, Bulgaria approached the negotiations with a considerable degree of apprehension and resistance.
Amidst this backdrop, Crown Prince Edel of Romania returned to Bucharest, where he was promptly briefed by Foreign Minister Barnosk. The minister relayed that the debate over the negotiation site was still unresolved, prompting Edel to ponder their own stance. Upon learning that Romania had yet to declare its position, Edel saw an opportunity. He proposed Bucharest as a compromise location, arguing that other suggested venues were too distant, potentially hampering effective communication.
"Are you suggesting that we host the negotiations here, in Bucharest?" Minister Barnosk sought confirmation, to which Edel firmly replied in the affirmative. This decision, once communicated, would place Romania at the center of these critical peace talks, potentially elevating its stature on the international stage.
Meanwhile, Bulgaria, under the leadership of King Ferdinand I and Prime Minister Geschov, deliberated their response to Romania's proposal. Prime Minister Geschov, who had been instrumental in navigating Bulgaria through the war's diplomatic quagmires, was inclined to accept. He had previously engineered a strategy of division among the Balkan states, which had mitigated Bulgaria's losses. By agreeing to Bucharest, he hoped to continue this approach, subtly ensuring that Bulgaria could negotiate from a position of relative strength.
The decision was not taken lightly. Bulgaria had staunchly defended its interests, particularly against the Ottoman Empire's ambitions in Eastern Thrace. Prime Minister Geschov understood that conceding to negotiations in Bucharest might be seen as a retreat, but he believed it was a tactical move that could yield greater dividends in the broader scheme of peace terms.
With Bulgaria's agreement, the path was cleared for the other nations to accept Bucharest as the venue. Serbia and the other involved nations, tired of the prolonged dispute over the location, felt a sense of relief. The Serbian Prime Minister, Protic, expressed a mix of bewilderment and frustration over Bulgaria's tactics, reflecting the complex interplay of national pride and practical politics that characterized these negotiations.
As the news spread and preparations began for the talks in Bucharest, there was a palpable sense of a new phase unfolding in the Balkan diplomatic arena. Each country approached the table with its own agenda, historical grievances, and strategic goals. For Romania, hosting the negotiations was a moment of national significance, placing it at the heart of a process that would shape the future of the Balkan region. For Bulgaria, it was a calculated risk, a chance to influence the peace terms favorably despite the pressures and expectations from all sides.
Thus, as the representatives of each nation gathered in Bucharest, the air was thick with anticipation and the weight of history. The negotiations that were about to commence would not only determine the new boundaries and alliances but would also test the resilience and diplomatic acumen of all parties involved. The outcomes of these talks would echo through the corridors of power across Europe, shaping the geopolitical landscape for years to come.
The negotiation in Bucharest was a gathering of various Balkan and European powers, each with their own agendas and grievances following the tumultuous events of the recent Balkan War. The Serbian delegation was led by Foreign Minister Milanovic, while Greece was represented by Foreign Minister Konstantin. Montenegro's Foreign Minister Nidnoyav also joined, the trio often banding together given their less than stellar performance in the conflict. The Ottoman Empire sent Foreign Minister Ildire, a high-ranking official in the Ottoman administration, primarily to negotiate the return of the Adriatic Fort, a strategic location vital for the empire's defense.
Bulgaria, having faced setbacks in the war, was represented by Prime Minister Geschov. As the host, Romania's negotiations were led by Prime Minister Bretianu. Observers from major European powers were also present, with Austro-Hungary sending Foreign Minister Elenthal and Russia dispatching Foreign Minister Sassonov. Both nations were keen to prevent further escalation in the region, which had already seen two Balkan wars, partly due to disputes over Ottoman European territories and uneven territorial distributions among the Balkan states.
As the negotiations began, the victorious countries laid out their demands. Serbia claimed the disputed regions of Bitola and Ohrid and sought additional territories from Bulgaria as compensation. Greece insisted on retaining control over Thessaloniki, which it had occupied during the conflict. The Ottoman Empire demanded the return of the Adriatic Fort and its surrounding areas. Montenegro, while not claiming any territory, demanded war reparations amounting to 2 million Levs from Bulgaria.
Romania, hosting the negotiations, presented the most substantial demands, seeking a significant portion of Bulgarian territory from the Danube River to the Black Sea, including the cities of Dobrich, Ruse, Silistra, and Varna—a total of about 22,000 square kilometers.
Prime Minister Geschov of Bulgaria, facing these extensive demands, strategized to address the easier issues first. He countered Montenegro's claims by stating that their war efforts did not justify such a high reparation and offered a maximum of 500,000 Levs instead. Addressing Greece, he reminded them of the prior agreement to split Macedonia, proposing that Thessaloniki serve as a border, with the east going to Bulgaria and the west to Greece, although he insisted that Thessaloniki itself should belong to Bulgaria. Regarding Serbia's demands, he rejected the idea of using the Pivet area as compensation and suggested a compromise where Serbia would receive the Ohrid region while Bulgaria retained Bitola.
The Ottoman demand for the return of the Adriatic Fort was flatly rejected by Geschov, who argued that no Bulgarian could agree to such terms. He proposed that the Eastern Thrace area, occupied by the Ottoman army, could be partially compensated, with the remainder returned to Bulgaria.
Facing Romania's extensive territorial demands, Geschov acknowledged the 4,000 square kilometers previously agreed upon and offered an additional 4,000 square kilometers, including the complete transfer of Dobrich to Romania and a shifting of the border by 20-25 kilometers.
The responses from the Bulgarian Prime Minister were met with dissatisfaction from the other delegates. Romanian Prime Minister Bretianu, in particular, was vehement, threatening that without satisfaction of Romania's demands, the war could resume. This stance was supported by the foreign ministers of Serbia, Greece, and Montenegro, who agreed that meeting Romania's demands was essential for peace.
Faced with a united front from the other nations, Prime Minister Geschov requested a temporary halt to the negotiations, citing health issues, to reassess his strategy. During this pause, he consulted with his Foreign Minister Dilas Roch, who had been in discussions with representatives from Germany and Austria-Hungary—both of whom had historically supported Bulgaria.
Dilas Roch reported that while Romania's demands were backed by Russia and had to be taken seriously, Germany's support was conditional and focused on opposing the demands of Serbia, Greece, and Montenegro in favor of a more balanced approach. Austria-Hungary was more supportive but agreed with the previously stated Bulgarian conditions.
Disappointed but not deterred, Geschov realized the gravity of the situation. The territorial concessions demanded by Romania were substantial, amounting to a significant portion of Bulgaria's territory. After much deliberation, he decided to refer the matter to King Ferdinand I of Bulgaria, allowing the monarch to make a final decision on whether to accept Romania's terms, thus highlighting the complex interplay of national interests and international diplomacy in the tumultuous Balkan region.