The negotiation room was filled with a palpable tension as representatives from the Balkan Alliance and the Ottoman Empire gathered under the stern gaze of European power delegates. The British government had provided the venue, a clear indication of the seriousness with which they regarded these talks. At the head of the Ottoman delegation sat Minister of Foreign Affairs Kahevich, a seasoned diplomat from the Freedom and Concord Party, who had miraculously escaped the violent upheavals back home. His presence was a testament to the desperate situation of the Ottoman Empire, clinging to the remnants of its former glory.
The session was initiated by Tiras Rocky, the Bulgarian Foreign Minister, who addressed Kahevich directly. "Mr. Kahevich, how does the Ottoman government regard our conditions this time?" he inquired, his tone laced with a hint of derision.
Kahevich, well aware of the conditions previously laid out by the Balkan countries, responded cautiously, "We believe there is room for negotiation."
Rocky smirked, "What exactly is there to discuss? Are you proposing to surrender Constantinople?"
Laughter erupted among the Balkan representatives, who were all too aware of Kahevich's precarious position within his government. The Ottoman Empire was a shadow of its former self, and its representatives at the peace talks bore the brunt of their nation's diminished stature.
Despite the mockery, Kahevich maintained his composure. "We have no intention of relinquishing our capital. Such a proposal would never be accepted by the 28 million citizens of the Ottoman Empire," he asserted firmly.
Greek Foreign Minister Constantine interjected, "Mr. Kahevich, allow me to correct you. Your empire now numbers only 21 million. You should be grateful that our demands have not been more severe."
Kahevich, seasoned in diplomatic negotiations, recognized the trap laid by Constantine. Acknowledging this figure would imply acceptance of the Balkan terms. He retorted, "Our discussions have not yet concluded, and the fate of regions like Macedonia and Thrace remains undecided. Isn't it premature, Minister Constantine, to make such definitive statements?"
Constantine shot back, "Are you suggesting you might renege on our agreements?"
The escalating tension prompted the British Foreign Secretary, Edward Gray, to intervene. "Gentlemen, please," he implored, commanding silence with his authoritative voice. "We are here to forge peace for the Balkan region. Let us proceed with that goal in mind."
With Gray's intervention, the negotiations resumed a more civil course. Over the following week, despite the complex issues at hand, including territorial disputes and the repatriation of prisoners, the discussions progressed swiftly. It seemed a resolution was within reach until a discordant note struck.
"I disagree," declared Bodeelter, the observer from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, breaking the tentative peace that had settled over the room.
Russian observer Boris immediately challenged him, "Mr. Bodeelter, why raise objections only now, at the conclusion of our discussions? And why should your empire dictate terms in a matter between the Balkans and the Ottomans?"
Unperturbed, Bodeelter responded, "This treaty fails to protect the Albanian people."
His concern was for Albania, a region with a tumultuous history of occupation and struggle for sovereignty. Despite declaring independence on November 28, 1912, Albania's status remained unrecognized by the Balkan states, each with designs on its territory.
The Serbian negotiator, Foreign Minister Milanovic, stood, his voice filled with resolve, "Albania was freed by the blood of Serbian and Greek soldiers. We cannot simply abandon our claims."
Constantine supported Milanovic, "Our sacrifices in liberating Albania cannot be overlooked because of a mere declaration of independence."
The debate intensified, with Bodeelter questioning the very basis of the war. "Wasn't your goal to liberate all peoples oppressed by the Ottomans? Why then divide an independent Albania?"
Boris, sensing the need for support, turned to the French and British representatives. However, the French, under instructions to avoid deep involvement in Balkan affairs, suggested postponing the discussion on Albania.
British Foreign Secretary Gray concurred, "Let us table the Albanian issue for a more focused discussion later."
With reluctance, the representatives agreed, though the decision did little to resolve the underlying tensions. As the meeting adjourned, the various delegates left the room in clusters, each nation's representatives absorbed in their own concerns and strategies.
Outside, Boris sought the counsel of the French representative, Jean Barker, in his carriage. "Why can't our countries unite more effectively on this issue?" he queried, frustration evident in his voice.
Barker, reflecting the complex web of alliances and interests that characterized European diplomacy, replied, "Our alliance is meant to counter the Central Powers, not to support unilateral action in the Balkans."
That evening, Boris visited British Foreign Secretary Gray, seeking to secure support for the Russian stance. However, without firm backing from France and Britain, he realized that the resolution of the Albanian issue would largely reflect the desires of Austria-Hungary and Italy.
In subsequent negotiations, despite Russian efforts, Albania was declared independent under the protection of a German prince, while Serbia and Greece received smaller territorial concessions. This compromise, far from satisfactory to all parties, sowed the seeds for future discord in the volatile Balkan region.
The signing of the London Treaty brought significant territorial losses to Serbia, which found itself deprived of over 20,000 square kilometers, including its precious access to the sea. Similarly, Greece faced dissatisfaction, having lost around 5,000 square kilometers. In stark contrast, Bulgaria emerged from the treaty unscathed, which secretly fueled resentment from both Serbia and Greece. Both nations had expected to gain territories like the Bitola and Ohrid regions, currently under Serbian control, and Thessaloniki, occupied by Greece, as per a secret agreement with Bulgaria. Now, facing these losses, both countries contemplated claims over Bulgarian territories as compensation.
On the day the treaty was finalized in London, Bulgarian Foreign Minister Tiras Nocchi approached his Greek counterpart, Constantine, to discuss the unfolding situation. Serbia, unable to alter the decision regarding Albania's independence, sought other avenues to mitigate its losses, viewing Bulgaria as a more favorable option than Austria-Hungary. Serbian Prime Minister Protic, sensing an opportunity, sent a telegram to inquire about Greece's stance.
"Foreign Minister Constantine, shall we discuss this together?" Tiras Nocchi suggested after the treaty signing.
Constantine, having matters of his own to discuss, readily agreed. "Certainly, Foreign Minister Tiras Nocchi."
As they rode together in Constantine's car, Tiras Nocchi expressed his concerns. "In these peace talks, our countries have both suffered significant losses, while Bulgaria has lost nothing. This imbalance is quite unfair."
Constantine, recognizing the truth in Nocchi's words and the shared discontent, replied, "Indeed, Foreign Minister Tiras Nocchi. We have both sacrificed much in this war, yet we haven't received our due shares. This situation is unacceptable. Concessions must be made."
Both ministers knew that Greece had hoped to expand further into Macedonia and Thrace and was strongly opposed to Bulgaria's claims over Thessaloniki and its surroundings. Their conversation revealed a mutual desire to rectify their losses at Bulgaria's expense.
After their discussion, both ministers communicated their respective positions back to their governments. Subsequently, both Serbia and Greece dispatched telegrams to Bulgaria, proposing a revision of the territorial divisions agreed upon in the secret treaty. They suggested that the regions of Bitola and Ohrid, and Thessaloniki, be officially recognized under Serbian and Greek control, respectively, to compensate for their inability to acquire territory in Albania.
Upon receiving these demands, Bulgarian Prime Minister Geschov hurried to consult with King Ferdinand I, who was visibly upset by the proposals. "How can they make such claims without any basis?" he exclaimed.
Beside him, Prime Minister Geschov and Lieutenant General Mikhail Savov, the military chief, remained silent, allowing the king to vent his frustration. Once calmer, Ferdinand I sought Geschov's counsel. "Prime Minister, in light of these developments, what should our response be?"
After careful consideration, Geschov advised, "We should reject Serbia and Greece's unreasonable demands and request a ruling from Russia on this matter."
Satisfied with this approach, Ferdinand I then turned to Savov for his military perspective. "Lieutenant General Savov, what are your thoughts?"
Savov, who had earned the king's trust by leading Bulgarian forces to victory against the Ottoman Empire, suggested, "From a military standpoint, I agree with the Prime Minister's diplomatic strategy. Additionally, we should halt troop mobilizations to maintain our army's readiness for any unforeseen circumstances."
Understanding the gravity of Savov's advice, King Ferdinand I concurred, "Very well, proceed as discussed. Prime Minister, seek Russia's support, and General, ensure our military readiness."
Subsequently, Geschov met with the Russian ambassador to Bulgaria, Neriudorf, to explain the situation and seek Russia's backing. Neriudorf, cautious not to overstep, decided to relay the information back to St. Petersburg for further guidance.
In St. Petersburg, Tsar Nicholas II found himself in a difficult position upon receiving reports from both the Bulgarian and Serbian ambassadors. He convened a meeting with Prime Minister Kokovtsov, Foreign Secretary Sassonov, and his military advisor, Duke Nicholas, to deliberate on the Balkan territorial disputes.
Sassonov was the first to speak, suggesting that Russia's decision should be strategically aligned with its interests in the region, which implied supporting Serbia over Bulgaria. Nicholas II, reluctant to forsake Bulgaria, questioned if a choice was strictly necessary, to which Sassonov affirmed the importance of making a decisive stand to maintain Russian influence in the Balkans.
After some deliberation, the consensus among the advisors was to support Serbia. Nicholas II instructed Sassonov to communicate Russia's decision: to endorse Serbia's territorial claims and to encourage Bulgaria to accept this resolution to prevent further conflict.
This decision was met with jubilation in Serbia but was received with indignation in Bulgaria, setting the stage for further diplomatic tensions in the volatile Balkans.