As Russia, the largest supporter of Serbia, was busy orchestrating an international conference aimed at revising the "Berlin Treaty" and negotiating the opening of the Black Sea Strait to Russian warships, its Foreign Minister, Alexander Izvolsky, was securing the backing of Austria-Hungary. With this support in hand, Izvolsky embarked on a diplomatic tour across Europe, seeking to rally Britain, France, and other nations behind Russia's strategic plans.
While Izvolsky was deep in negotiations in France, a startling development unfolded on October 7. The Austro-Hungarian Empire unilaterally announced the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, incorporating these two provinces directly into its territory. This move came as a shock to Izvolsky, who was still in the midst of discussions with France about amending the "Berlin Treaty." Upon receiving the news, Izvolsky couldn't contain his fury, bitterly exclaiming, "These Austro-Hungarian scoundrels are utterly untrustworthy."
Izvolsky had envisioned a sequence of diplomatic moves starting with the revision of the Berlin Treaty, followed by negotiations with Austria-Hungary to return the Bosnian Serb region to Serbia. This strategy was aimed not only at amending the treaty but also at strengthening ties with Serbia, the Balkans' most steadfast ally. Success in these endeavors would also enhance Izvolsky's standing before Tsar Nicholas II.
However, the premature action by Austria-Hungary to annex Bosnia and Herzegovina had thrown all his plans into disarray. The "Berlin Treaty" remained unchanged, and Izvolsky found himself scrambling to devise a strategy to placate Serbia. Knowing the temperament of Tsar Nicholas II, Izvolsky was aware that failing to achieve the set objectives could lead to his dismissal. He thought to himself, "I cannot accept this. My only hope now is that Austria-Hungary faces obstacles in its annexation attempts."
News of the annexation sparked intense opposition in Serbia, where the public and officials alike were incensed by Austria-Hungary's disregard for Serbian sentiments. Both the Serbian government and military urged King Peter I Karageorgevic to proceed with the previously planned responses, aware that if Austria-Hungary's annexation went unchallenged, their ambitions would likely next turn towards Serbia. Amidst mounting public pressure, King Peter I announced the mobilization of the Serbian army and sought assistance from Russia.
Back in St. Petersburg, Tsar Nicholas II convened a meeting to deliberate on the implications of the Austro-Hungarian action for Russia. One of his advisors, Skye, passionately argued, "We must support Serbia. We can dispatch military officers to aid the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina in resisting the annexation and provide them with military supplies. We must also diplomatically express our disapproval of Austria-Hungary's actions."
Prime Minister Stolypin, known for his pragmatism, added, "Your Majesty, it's crucial that Serbia perceives Russia's support. We need to make Austria-Hungary aware of the consequences of ignoring Russia." The consensus among the ministers was clear, and they collectively emphasized the necessity for Russia to assert its influence in the Balkans. Following the unified stance of his advisors, Nicholas II ordered the deployment of officers to assist the Bosnian Serbs in their resistance against Austro-Hungarian rule.
In response to Russia's support, a significant number of Serbian soldiers crossed the border to join forces with the Bosnian Serb guerrillas. In the town of Rogatica, located 30 kilometers from Sarajevo, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina, residents were abuzz with discussions about the previous night's events. A local woman, visibly shaken, recounted to her neighbor, "Did you hear the gunfire from the military camp outside town all night? I was hiding in my house, terrified."
Her neighbor replied, "Who could sleep with all that commotion? I heard that someone brave got close to the barracks and saw a group of outsiders attacking it."
At the central barracks, the topic of much local gossip, Captain Cassileudes of the Austro-Hungarian army was assessing the damage. Reviewing the list of casualties and losses, he cursed under his breath, "Damn Serbs, and that useless sentry." The recent attack was notably severe; unlike previous skirmishes instigated by dissatisfied Serbian civilians, this assault bore the hallmarks of a military operation, exacerbated by the negligence of the sentry which allowed the attackers to approach undetected. If not for a soldier who had fortuitously awoken to use the restroom, the toll might have been even higher—34 killed and 41 wounded, effectively decimating a third of his company.
"Sir, we've collected the bodies of the assailants," reported a soldier, prompting Captain Cassileudes to inspect the site where the corpses lay. Lieutenant Derospin, a platoon leader, informed him, "Commander, these men were clearly well-trained soldiers. You can tell by the calluses on their hands and fingers. We found Serbian military maps in their pockets—they were prepared."
"How many bodies did we recover?" Captain Cassileudes inquired.
"We found 19 in total. It seems the injured were carried off by their comrades; not many were left behind," Lieutenant Derospin responded.
The captain felt a headache coming on as he contemplated the implications of such a loss ratio. His superior, Major Goodslough, known as 'the Whisperer' for his ironically loud and abrasive manner, was sure to be furious. Indeed, upon receiving the report of the attack, Major Goodslough exploded in anger, berating Captain Cassileudes in front of the entire camp. "You are a disgrace to our Austro-Hungarian soldiers! A handful of assailants with mere rifles managed to wreak havoc in your barracks while you stood by helplessly. Explain yourself, Captain, are you a disgrace?"
Humbled and with no excuses to offer, Captain Cassileudes could only reply, "I have let you down, sir."
"I don't want your apologies; I want competence! Of all my companies, yours was the best, and now look at it. Get back to your post. If such a casualty disparity happens again, I'll demote you to a private and have you scrubbing toilets daily. Dismissed!" Major Goodslough barked.
Saluting stiffly, Captain Cassileudes left the tent, his mind racing with the repercussions of the report that would soon reach higher command. As reports of similar attacks accumulated, they eventually landed on the desk of Chief of Staff Conrad, who promptly briefed the Austro-Hungarian Emperor Franz Joseph on the escalating situation.
Aware of the brewing storm and the involvement of Serbian and Russian forces, Emperor Franz Joseph consulted with his military advisors. Chief of Staff Conrad proposed a strategy of aggressive raids to quell the unrest, emphasizing the need to consider the potential Russian involvement. "Russia is still recovering, but we cannot underestimate them. Our empire must handle this without resorting to calling on Germany, despite their military prowess," Conrad advised.
The emperor, preferring to rely on his own forces before seeking German aid, issued orders for a substantial military deployment into Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus began a fierce campaign against the guerrillas, supported covertly by Serbia and Russia, marking another volatile chapter in the troubled history of the Balkans.
After the defeat of Turkey in the last Russian-Turkish war between 1877 and 1878, the Principality of Bulgaria was established in the northern part of the Balkan Mountains. Around the same time, Romania and Serbia also emerged as sovereign states. In 1885, a significant political development occurred when North and South Bulgaria merged, achieving national unity.
The relationship between Bulgaria and Russia during this period was notably complex. Russia's Balkan policy, orchestrated by Count Ignatyev, aimed to transform Bulgaria into a Russian stronghold in the Balkans. This strategy was based on the shared linguistic and cultural heritage between the two nations. Ignatyev's vision included using Bulgaria as a lever to connect with Serbia and Czechoslovakia, thereby threatening the core of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Additionally, this stronghold could potentially enable Russia to exert pressure on Constantinople and strategically weaken Ottoman Turkey. Russia's foreign policy thus centered significantly on bolstering Bulgaria. When a territorial dispute over Dobrogea arose between Bulgaria and Romania, Russia sided with Bulgaria, aligning with the Orthodox Christian bond and pushing Romania towards the Austro-Hungarian camp.
However, Bulgaria did not reciprocate Russia's enthusiasm with equal fervor. Despite the sacrifices Russia made for Bulgaria's liberation, the presence of Russian advisors and military personnel who periodically interfered in Bulgaria's internal affairs was met with discomfort and resentment by the Bulgarians.
Ironically, the Russian experts who assisted in drafting Bulgaria's new constitution were mostly Westerners, who themselves were somewhat marginalized in Russia. They designed for Bulgaria a modern constitutional monarchy, a system that was unattainable in Russia at the time. This instilled a sense of ideological superiority in Bulgarians over Russia, which was still governed by absolute autocracy.
Complicating matters further, Alexander of Battenberg, the German prince chosen by Russia to rule Bulgaria, did not conform to the role of a puppet ruler as Russia had hoped. He swiftly adapted by mastering the Bulgarian language and converting to the Orthodox faith, endearing himself to Bulgaria's political elite and becoming a symbol of Bulgarian nationalism.
Moreover, Germany, Alexander's homeland, exploited his position to subtly influence Bulgaria's political landscape, fostering a coalition of German-aligned Bulgarian nationalists and anti-Russian sentiment.
In response to Bulgaria's growing assertiveness, Russia resorted to heavy-handed tactics. It increased its political and military pressure on Bulgaria and even orchestrated a coup attempt by pro-Russian factions within the Bulgarian army to depose King Alexander. This aggressive intervention sparked widespread outrage across Bulgaria's political spectrum, leading to the coup's failure in 1886. Subsequently, Bulgaria expelled all Russian advisors and military personnel, gravitating instead towards the German and Austrian sphere of influence. This shift erased the strategic gains Russia had made in the Balkans since the Crimean War, and the once-accessible straits became distant once more.
Post-1886, with the appointment of Izvolsky in charge of Balkan affairs, Russia sought to recalibrate its influence in the region. Despite the strained relations, Bulgaria's historical and cultural ties with Russia began to gradually restore their earlier closeness. By 1908, Bulgaria appeared to lean once again towards Russia.
During this period, the landscape of the Balkans was fraught with tension and opportunity. Bulgarian Foreign Minister Stephen Uros, a proponent of the notion of 'Greater Bulgaria', articulated the national sentiment when he expressed his disdain for the oppression of ethnic Bulgarians in Turkey. 'Greater Bulgaria' was a nationalist ideology that sought to reclaim territories considered historically Bulgarian, including regions across the Danube River, the Balkan Mountains, North and South Dobrogea, Sofia, and parts of Macedonia and Thrace.
Prime Minister Alexander Malenov saw a diplomatic slight—an unextended invitation at a luncheon hosted by the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs—as a golden opportunity to advance Bulgarian interests. This perceived insult was reported back to Bulgaria by their offended representative, and Malenov seized upon this incident to bolster nationalistic fervor.
Meanwhile, Ferdinand I, the Grand Duke of Bulgaria, undertook a covert visit to Austria-Hungary in Vienna, seeking support for his territorial ambitions following the failed uprisings in Macedonia and Eastern Thrace in 1903, supported by the "Macedonia-Adrianople Supreme Council". These uprisings had aimed at liberation from Ottoman rule but were brutally suppressed by Turkish forces. Ferdinand hoped that with backing from a major power like Austria-Hungary—and with tacit Russian acquiescence—his aspirations to incorporate these regions into Bulgaria might be realized.
The political landscape in Macedonia provided both Russia and Austria a pretext to propose significant reforms to the Ottoman administration of the region, suggesting its division into autonomous districts managed by the great powers. This proposal shocked the Ottoman authorities and catalyzed the early activities of the Young Turks, who sought to rejuvenate the empire through rapid modernization and centralization, threatening Bulgarian ambitions in Macedonia.
In response to these developments, Bulgaria prepared for war while planning to declare independence from Ottoman rule, a move that would violate the Berlin Treaty but seemed necessary to preempt the loss of Macedonia. In a parallel development, Austria-Hungary, also bound by the Berlin Treaty to eventually return Bosnia and Herzegovina to Ottoman control, found common cause with Bulgaria. Both nations resolved to simultaneously renounce the treaty.
Grand Duke Ferdinand's secret discussions in Vienna with Austro-Hungarian Prime Minister Alois resulted in a coordinated plan: Bulgaria would declare independence, followed shortly by Austria-Hungary's annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This strategy aimed to minimize international backlash by presenting a fait accompli to the great powers.
Upon his return to Sofia, Ferdinand briefed his government on the agreement, boosting national morale and solidifying support for the impending declaration of independence. On September 22, in a grand ceremony in Sofia, Ferdinand proclaimed Bulgaria's independence from the Ottoman Empire and elevated the principality to a kingdom, assuming the title of King.
The news of Bulgaria's bold move was met with mixed reactions internationally. In St. Petersburg, Tsar Nicholas II and his Prime Minister Stolypin weighed the implications of a new, self-proclaimed Tsar in the Balkans. Despite the potential challenge to Russian prestige, they chose to endorse Ferdinand's coronation, aiming to maintain influence in the region and counterbalance Austro-Hungarian ambitions.
On October 5, in the historic Church of the Forty Martyrs in Tarnovo, King Ferdinand was crowned 'Tsar' amidst declarations of Bulgarian independence, marking a new chapter in the nation's history and reshaping the geopolitical contours of the Balkans.