The predecessors of the British Parliament can be traced back to the Anglo-Saxon period from the centuries AD to the centuries AD. Saxon period.
In the middle of the century, Angles, Saxons and Jutes invaded Britain.
They took advantage of the power vacuum created by the withdrawal of the Romans from Britain, conquering it one by one and establishing the Greater Seven Kingdoms.
English historians refer to the period from the end of the century to the end of the year as the "Age of the Seven Kingdoms". In these kingdoms, the king and representatives of the nobility formed the Council of Wise Men. The main function of the Council of Wise Men was to assist the king in dealing with the affairs of state and to determine the heir to the kingdom on the basis of the principle of hereditary succession.
During the Norman dynasty, William I, Duke of Normandy, who conquered England, created an organization similar to the "Council of Sages" called the "Great Council".
It was composed mainly of the great feudal lords, both monks and laymen, and the direct vassals of the king, and met every three years to decide on important matters of state.
Because of the complexity and frequent failure to convene a large conference, just like our congresses, there are too many people.
Thus a Conference (similar to the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress) was constructed under the Grand Council. The Council was the central body of the Grand Council and consisted of senior court ministers such as the Chief of Royal Affairs, the Chief of Security, and other senior court ministers, and combined the legislative, executive, and judicial branches. It is also known as the "Royal Council". It is regarded as the predecessor of the British Parliament.
In 2007, in revolt against the King's excessive taxation, the nobles revolted and forced the King to sign the Magna Carta, a famous document in English history. Its main purpose was to clarify the feudal rights of the king's nobles and to prevent the king from violating those rights.
From century to century, it appears that power has been shifting towards a parliament to restrain the king's power, but the king still has the power to make practical decisions. Parliament was convened only when the king needed it.
As an example, in the years of Henry VII's reign, Parliament was convened only seven times, and in the years of Elizabeth I's reign, it was convened only once, and even the few times it was convened, it became a tool of the crown, and a complete wiper of the crown's buttocks, to be used when needed, and to be discarded when it was not needed.
Thus the parliament in feudal times was in general a subordinate body of the feudal monarchy, and it was only when the capitalist mode of production excluded the feudalist mode of production that the parliament could really be transformed into a representative body of the bourgeoisie.
Since the "mass suicide" of the nobles during the War of the Roses, the Parliament of Checks and Balances, which consisted of the King, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons, had become a Parliament of Masters and Servants, with the King as its chief servant. Of course, it is a joke to expect such a parliament to limit the power of the king.
The Tudor dynasty did not abandon the Parliament; on the contrary, it fed it well, seeing its support as a symbol of public opinion for the Tudor crown's rule over England. The support of Parliament gave the legitimacy of the Tudor crown's royal rule a veneer of public opinion, which greatly enhanced the Tudor dynasty's power over England.
Like Edward's title of Lord of Wales, the title of the King of Ireland, are Henry VIII under the guise of parliament to add their own titles, even Henry VIII divorce reason is the parliament worry to help him find, the parliament has really become a loyal and obedient body. This is also a proof that later generations agreed that the Tudor kingship was unprecedentedly strong in the history of England.
As to why Parliament, which was as a tame dog in the hands of the Tudor monarchs, became a feral wolf in the hands of the Stuart monarchs, turning against the Stuart monarchs at every turn.
Some would this be the result of Charles I's haphazard tax increases, but the truth is that it was Henry VIII who went even further.
After the Reformation, Henry VIII used his army with France for years, even if the bottom of copying Catholicism was thicker than it could be spent. So he convened five successive parliaments and levied taxes to make up for the financial losses!
The main reason is that Charley I was too independent, and usually habitually raised taxes without consulting Parliament, and waited until there wasn't enough money to go around before approaching Parliament, which of course didn't give a damn about him. And at that time, the House of Commons has the right to levy taxes nationally, the King and the House of Lords do not have this right, this is the medieval period on the rules set.
It is still true that there is no harm without comparison. In the matter of taxation, the Tudors, though they sometimes instructed the local authorities to make compulsory loans to the inhabitants, and those who refused and those who lent less than the king demanded were even summoned by the Privy Council, and sometimes, under the pretext of the necessities of national defense, levied a tax on ships along the coasts, but these non-parliamentary taxes were only occasionally used in cases of special necessity.
On the whole, the Tudors never once threw out Parliament to impose a national tax.
It is recorded that, in 2007, the Consultative Council (a governmental body at the time) took the liberty of levying a tax of 10,000 pounds, but declared that the decision could not come into effect until it had been ratified by the next Parliament, and that, in 2007, the Chief Minister, Wolsey, attempted to impose a chattel tax on monks and laymen without Parliament, which resulted in nothing but a rebuke for "undermining the laws and liberties".
The Tudor monarchs often took Parliament along for the ride, giving them the opportunity to participate, and although there was little decision-making power and they had to agree to whatever the motion was, the MPs were willingly abused and happy.
Moreover, the Tudor monarchs kept their parliamentarians like dogs, not only just asking for what they wanted, but also giving them a little sweetener.
Because the members of the House of Commons were at base knights and citizens, they did not have the same privileges as the nobles. So the kings gave the members some privileges to fulfill their desires.
The king had happily granted them free speech, parliamentary immunity, and the right to discipline their own members. Without these privileges, the House of Commons would have lost at least half of its members.
The Duke of Somerset had left the House of Lords with a dry mouth and was making his way slowly to the House of Commons.
"Your Honorable Duke, welcome to the House of Commons!" A chubby gentleman in his fifties greeted Edward Seymour the moment he walked into the House of Commons with great enthusiasm.
The Duke of Somerset glanced at the gentleman before him, Richard Stroud, with a jovial smile on his face that was so natural that one was unconsciously attracted to him.
"Your Honorable Duke, our Lord Speaker is ill and is recuperating at home, please don't be offended!" Gentleman Richard was polite to the newly minted Lord Duke standing in front of him.
"Sir Moore's heart for the public good really puts us to shame! There's no reason to blame him!"
"His Excellency the Duke's forgiving heart, that's really like sunshine for people!"
"Haha! I'm also in awe of Mr. Gentleman's genteel manners!" With that, the two bragged about each other.
Edward Seymour was still very friendly in his attitude towards Richard Strahl, for during the time of Sir Thomas More's illness he was almost the leader of the House of Commons, and had a great deal of prestige among some of the members.
It was to him, for instance, that the right of parliamentarians to freedom of speech was due. Richard Strahl was detained by the judges of the Tin Mining Court in the Parliament of the same year, because of his youthful ignorance, and his rash attempt to introduce a bill on tin mines, so that the House of Commons insisted on his acquittal by the Court, and the Court could not grant it, and there was a deadlock between the two.
In the end it was Henry VIII's slap on the wrist to release Richard that set the precedent for free speech for MPs.