In the early 1930s, even without official diplomatic relations, trade between the Soviet Union and the United States began. The Soviet Union registered a state enterprise in the U.S. called "Amtorg." Americans thought it was acceptable to do business with the Soviet Union for economic reasons, but business with an adversarial nation had to steer clear of providing military technology. For the Soviet Union, the purpose of doing business with America was not only to develop its economy but more importantly, to acquire American military technology.
Therefore, under America's vigilant prevention, the Soviets needed to find a reliable American to act as an intermediary for their trade. After selection, they chose Carl P., an American of Russian descent, to help the Soviets purchase advanced equipment in the U.S.
Carl P. was chosen not only because he had been doing business in America for years and understood the market but also because he was Polina Zhemchuzhina's younger brother, Molotov's wife. The Soviets felt this relationship made him suitable for the role.
The Soviet aim to acquire American military equipment was confidential, but Carl P. acted with high visibility in America. Not only did he not hide his connection to Molotov, but he also tried to bribe the U.S. President to purchase American warships. Unfortunately, the scheme was exposed, leading to the establishment of an "Anti-American Sentiment" investigation agency in the U.S., with Carl P. as a primary target.
Polina Zhemchuzhina's troubles were not limited to one or two incidents.
During World War II, the Soviet Union established the Soviet Information Bureau, which was tasked with propagating the deeds of the Red Army and exposing the atrocities of fascism in domestic and European mainstream newspapers. Given the significant influence of Jews in the West, the bureau welcomed many Jews. Solomon Lozovsky, a Jew, served there as both deputy director and director. Later, Lozovsky founded the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, of which Polina Zhemchuzhina was a member.
Of course, during wartime, all this was permissible, but after the war ended, this committee began to irritate Stalin.
In the late 1940s, Polina Zhemchuzhina was accused of being too close to Solomon Mikhoels, a famous Jewish actor and leader of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee. Additionally, it was said that she had spoken in Yiddish in front of Golda Meir, who had just been appointed as Israel's ambassador to Moscow, calling herself "a daughter of the Jewish people" and tearfully saying, "I hope you are well. If everything is good there, then Jews everywhere will be better."
After the liberation of Ukraine, some members of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee proposed establishing a Jewish autonomous region in Crimea. These words reached Stalin, making him very angry; he saw this as American-incited "Zionism" aimed at splitting the Soviet Union. This led to the start of a purge against Jews.
Stalin was a ruthless man with little affection for others, dedicating his life to politics. However, he deeply loved three people: his mother, his daughter, and his wife, Nadezhda Alliluyeva, who committed suicide by gunshot in their home at the height of his political career.
Before her death, Alliluyeva left him a letter, a terrifying document full of accusations and condemnation. This was not just a personal letter; in a way, it was a political one. For him, this final letter from someone he considered his "most intimate and loyal friend" was a devastating betrayal; she punished him in the harshest way possible, by dying.
Stalin was heartbroken. During the funeral viewing, he stood by the coffin for a while, then suddenly pushed it away with both hands and left without attending the funeral. He believed she had left him as an enemy, thus he refused to visit her grave at the Novodevichy Cemetery. He moved to another room in the Kremlin because he couldn't bear to live in the Zubalovo dacha they had shared. He built a new house in Kuntsevo and never returned to Zubalovo.
Alliluyeva's death was an eternally bleeding wound in Stalin's heart. As he aged, his hatred grew for what he subjectively believed caused her death. He often cursed Polina Zhemchuzhina, a good friend of Nadezhda, accusing her of having a "bad influence" on Alliluyeva, perhaps indirectly suggesting her guilt in the suicide case.
People began to openly criticize Polina Zhemchuzhina, attacking her with malicious language, even fabricating stories of her adultery.
In October 1948, Polina Zhemchuzhina lost her job and was transferred to a reserve position in the Ministry of Light Industry. The Ministry of State Security opened another case against her, signaling an imminent arrest. At this point, Stalin told Molotov, "You must divorce your wife."
In January 1949, she was arrested. Her case files contained many vile details, fabricated by investigators, clearly intended to humiliate Molotov. These documents emphasized her infidelity to her husband, even mentioning the names of her supposed lovers, which were entirely made up.
Soon after, Polina Zhemchuzhina was sent to a labor camp. Despite being one of the leading members of the Politburo, Molotov could not control his own fate, let alone defy Stalin's will to save his wife.
Perhaps Molotov found some comfort looking at Kalinin, Kaganovich, or Voroshilov; in Stalin's circle, whose family didn't produce a few "counter-revolutionaries"? The only thing Molotov could do was to try to mitigate his wife's suffering in the camp as much as possible.
"To die for one's country is an honor, but to die in disgrace, leaving a legacy of treason, I wonder if Foreign Minister Molotov is willing to sacrifice his life for righteousness?"
Seeing the beads of sweat on Molotov's forehead, Wilhelm scoffed coldly. "Do you think you can live out your days peacefully under Stalin's rule? Weren't you worried when your colleagues were purged, that one day it would be your turn? Don't you fear being accused of some made-up crime and becoming an enemy of the people?"
These were not just alarmist words. After Polina Zhemchuzhina was sent to the camps, despite the outward "love" between Stalin and Molotov, inwardly, Stalin had grown suspicious of him. So, Stalin planned to find a reason to pin a crime on Molotov.
Once, in an informal setting, Stalin suggested to Kaganovich, Khrushchev, and Mikoyan that Molotov might be an American spy. Despite the long-standing animosity between Kaganovich and Molotov, this accusation was hard for even him to accept, sounding somewhat absurd.
Then Stalin provided his reasons. Molotov, while attending a UN conference, took a train to Washington, and without any evidence, Stalin suspected he used a private carriage, as Soviet leaders did at home. If Molotov had a private carriage in imperialist America, it was enough to prove his spy identity. But the critical question was, who could prove that Molotov had a private carriage in the U.S.?
Stalin contacted the Soviet ambassador in the U.S., who, after investigation, informed Stalin that Molotov did not have a private carriage there. Stalin still didn't give up, constantly theorizing about the possibility and ordering the ambassador to continue the investigation.
However, Stalin did not have much more time. His death spared Molotov from being purged, allowing Molotov to finally reunite with his wife.