[EDWARD'S POV]
May 30, 1337
As I passed through the training grounds and approached the castle, the words of a soldier caught my attention: "Those French fuckers! They've taken our overseas lands!" It had been six days since the shocking news of the confiscation of Gascony had swept across the land. The English were seething with anger, and King Edward III was swiftly mustering his forces. The spark that would ignite a grand continental alliance among English lords and their wealthy backers to defend their nation had been lit.
The situation in London was tense, and my father, the Earl Marshal, stood at the heart of it. His influence over military matters was significant, and he was likely to wield it. Whatever King Edward III decided, it would be known soon to all. This war would likely commence with a series of skirmishes, gradually escalating into full-scale battles. Edward's probable strategy was for the English forces in Gascony to hold their ground while his army invaded France from the north.
In Norwich, while the atmosphere was not as heated as in London, it was still charged with a fervor for defending English rights and sovereignty. I saw an opportunity here to train the people in various military strategies. Although I wouldn't be on the battlefield with them, I could prepare them to fight for my father. I acquired a book on "Roman-Greco Strategies" from the shop, investing 90 points. Understanding and adapting these strategies to the current era required significant effort. However, after a few sleepless nights, I managed to comprehend them. I then modified the strategies to suit the needs of the Middle Ages and compiled a concise 25-page book. The Legion structure was replaced with the more practical Battalion structure, reducing the number of soldiers while increasing efficiency.
To ensure the equipment needed to execute these strategies was available, I ordered the production of several gladius (short swords) and requested the acquisition of siege engines from the Eastern Roman Empire. Since the route to France was largely blocked, I instructed sailors to navigate away from the coast for a distance and then follow the Spanish coastline to reach the destination. This journey would be facilitated by several cogs, which traveled at a speed of 3 to 4 miles per hour, making the overall voyage last a couple of months.
Returning to the strategies, my focus was primarily on formations. Roman and Greek military formations, while effective in their time, required adaptation to suit the changing circumstances and technologies of the Middle Ages. Here are some modified formations from both Roman and Greek traditions that could potentially prove effective during this era:
Modified Roman Formations:
1. Shield Wall Formation: Drawing inspiration from Roman shield formations, soldiers would interlock their shields to create a solid defensive barrier. This formation would be particularly useful for medieval infantry when facing missile attacks or cavalry charges.
2. Schiltron Formation: Inspired by the Roman Testudo, the Schiltron was a formation used by Scottish infantry during the late Middle Ages. Soldiers would create a tight circular formation with long spears pointing outward, providing defense against cavalry charges.
3. Mixed Infantry Formation: This formation would combine the Roman concept of cohorts with medieval infantry units. It might consist of a core of heavily armored infantry with archers or crossbowmen positioned in the rear to offer missile support.
Modified Greek Formations:
1. Hoplite Line Formation: Similar to the Roman cohort, this formation would involve multiple ranks of soldiers armed with spears or polearms, offering depth and protection.
2. Pavise Formation: Inspired by the Greek phalanx, the Pavise formation could feature soldiers equipped with large pavise shields. These shields would be arranged in a manner akin to the Testudo, providing protection from missile fire.
3. Combined Arms Formation: Incorporating elements from both Roman and Greek traditions, a combined arms formation might include infantry forming a robust defensive line while archers or crossbowmen provide ranged support.
I initiated the construction of a diverse fleet, comprising a total of 25 ships. My substantial wealth ensured both the accuracy and promptness of this endeavor, mobilizing hundreds of workers. Additionally, I meticulously organized various divisions within my fleet to optimize its operational efficiency.
Battle Squadron (5 Ships):
Carracks: Carracks are large, heavily armed, and sturdy vessels. They provide the firepower and stability needed for naval combat. Carracks could carry cannons, archers, and well-trained mariners.
Convoy and Cargo Squadron (5 Ships):
Cogs: Cogs were versatile and practical cargo ships that could be adapted for wartime use. They could carry essential supplies, including food, weapons, and reinforcements, while still offering some protection.
Scout and Reconnaissance Squadron (3 Ships):
Balingers: Balingers were smaller and more agile ships, ideal for scouting and reconnaissance missions. Their speed and maneuverability made them suitable for evading enemies while gathering intelligence.
Coastal Defense Squadron (4 Ships):
Hulks: Hulks, often converted merchant vessels, could serve as effective coastal defense ships. They were larger and more stable, making them suitable for protecting the coastline from enemy raids.
Transport and Landing Squadron (4 Ships):
Barges: Barges are shallow-draft vessels designed for transporting troops and equipment to the shore. They have a flat bottom, making them ideal for beach landings.
Blockade and Interception Squadron (4 Ships):
Longships: Longships were sleek and fast vessels, perfect for hit-and-run tactics and boarding actions. They could intercept enemy vessels and disrupt supply lines effectively.
The total expenditure amounted to approximately £10,000, a considerable sum that would have significantly impacted my personal wealth. Fortunately, I had the resources of my father at my disposal to finance this construction. It was projected that the fleet would be fully operational within the next three months.
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[THOMAS'S POV]
July 15, 1337
Aquitaine, though geographically diverse, was inhabited by people who were distinctly aware of their differences from other French regions. Their loyalties were not firmly tied to the past, as they were known to be unpredictable and often described as "very captious and unreliable people," a perception echoed by my father, Edward I. It was common wisdom to have any promises made by them put down in writing.
The cohesive forces within Aquitaine and the source of English influence lay in the cities of Bordeaux and Bayonne. Situated at the mouths of the region's two major river systems, these cities, though often headstrong and fiercely independent, remained fundamentally loyal to the English monarchy. Bordeaux, in particular, served as the administrative center for English affairs in France. The city had taken on the role previously held by Poitiers, adorning itself with grand architecture befitting a capital. Over the years, Bordeaux had attracted substantial wealth, resulting in a continuous influx of immigrants throughout the thirteenth century. This growth led to the expansion of the city beyond its old boundaries into numerous suburban parishes.
In the early fourteenth century, a new set of fortifications was erected, encompassing an area three times the size of the previous ones, which themselves were only about a century old.
In the aftermath of the loss of Normandy in the early thirteenth century, it became a rarity for English monarchs to set foot on their continental dominions. However, my father defied this trend with two notable visits to Aquitaine. His initial stay spanned two years at the outset of his rule, and he returned for a productive three-year period between 1286 and 1289. During these visits, he left an indelible mark on the province, approaching his duties with the same meticulousness that earned him the admiration of his English subjects.
Despite his reign extending until 1307 and subsequent governance by my brother and now my nephew, none of them ventured again to South-western France.
Nonetheless, to ensure effective governance, Royal lieutenants are regularly dispatched to the region to conduct investigations and fulfill specific duties. In Bordeaux, the government is overseen by a cadre of close officials at Château l'Ombrière. The Seneschal, Sir Oliver Ingham, an Englishman, holds a pivotal role as the chief military and administrative representative of the English King-Duke. However, most of his subordinates are native Gascons. With the exception of the Seneschal's personal retainers, English troops are a rare sight in Gascony.
However, a recent development has reignited the interest of my nephew, Edward III, in his continental dominion. The French King has issued a royal charter to confiscate the lands under English control within the French Territory. This action serves as a compelling reason for Edward to reassert his influence in Aquitaine. Aquitaine has consistently been an asset, except during wartime when it necessitates costly defense. The Gascons are born fighters and skilled crossbowmen who command high wages in several free companies. Large contingents of Gascons have fought for us, particularly against the Scots during my father's reign.
I recall that in 1315, as I neared adulthood, my brother dispatched a group of commissioners to assess the contribution the region could make in the war against the Scots. Their report was staggering, estimating the total at a hundred thousand households, equivalent to approximately half a million inhabitants. In 1324, my brother received a report indicating that his net receipts from the duchy amounted to around £13,000, roughly equal to the entire revenue from English customs.
However, the retention of Aquitaine holds a significance beyond mere political calculation. We, the royals of England, are descended from French nobility, sharing the tastes and conventions of the French aristocracy from which we originate. Aquitaine is an integral part of our heritage, and preserving it is a duty to our family.
In the twelfth century, my great-great-grandfather, Henry II, ruled over more of France than the French King himself. He was so French that his English subjects could hardly converse with him without an interpreter. While much of Henry's empire has faded into history, the French language remains our first tongue. We still consider ourselves as the princes of France, and the desire for this recognition is undeniably one source of tension between Edie ( a nickname given by me to my nephew, Edward III in his childhood) and his second cousin, King Philip VI of France.
While I make my journey back to Norwich, Edie is diligently replenishing his war chests. He has introduced several new taxes to keep the treasury well-funded. Substantial loans are being procured from Italian houses like Bardi and Perruzi, while English merchants are also contributing substantial wealth. From the previous summer until now, nearly £100,000 has been borrowed from bankers.
In a move similar to King Philip VI, Edie sought the Pope's assistance in diverting the Church's wealth toward his war effort rather than a crusade. Unlike Philip, he did not take no for an answer and, in October, he seized treasures that had been earmarked for the crusade in St. Mary's Abbey in York. Supplementary crusade funds were confiscated by his officials across England.
I am being dispatched back to my Earldom during these challenging times to reorganize my army and bring a substantial portion of it with me to the capital. Over the past months, Edd has sent me numerous letters detailing the reforms he's implemented in the army's hierarchy. I've done my best to familiarize the few soldiers I've brought with me during this journey with the new system, but I can only hope that it proves effective.
After a two-day-long journey, I can now see the ramparts of the city of Norwich. Huh? Why are the walls shining?