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Chapter 7 - Chapter 7 layout paradox

As soon as possible, Franz did not continue to delve into this topic. Vertex

capitalists do not mess with, even if they are not yet dominant in government, have strength still can not be underestimated.

Standing in the position of Franz, asking questions, asking him to charge for the interests of the working class, and the bourgeois hard resistance or forget it!

This great and arduous task, Franz has decided to hand over to the aristocratic conservatives, Prime Minister Metternich is one of the candidates.

Perhaps one day, the capitalists are demanding the right to open suffrage, implementing constitutionalism, and liberating serfs; the nobles demanding the labor protection law to protect the rights and interests of the working class.

However, after the two men shouted out the slogan, the Austrian people would probably be dumbfounded.

This is also determined by the actual situation in Austria. The nobility still stays in the feudal class, and the capitalists are naturally in conflict of interest, and the two sides have not had time to confluence.

If the aristocrats and capitalists formed interest groups at the beginning of the 20th century, it would be true that apart from overthrowing reconstruction, there was no way to get it by political means.

In addition to the hurricane in front of Metternich, Franz has other preparations, he can impress the old fox of Metternich without thinking of his own words.

Don't look at their relationship very well, but in politics, everyone never sees friendship.

At the same time as the chat, Franz also got the qualification to start a newspaper. Before the March 1848 revolution, the Austrian Empire was a system of book inspection.

By the end of the Vienna Revolution in March 1848, there were a total of 79 newspapers throughout Austria. This is a newspaper, not a newspaper!

Considering that a newspaper can issue several newspapers at the same time, the number of newspapers will be less.

Looking at this set of data, you know how difficult it is to run a newspaper in this era.

However, this is not a problem for Franz. The regulation of the book is to curb the spread of revolutionary ideas. Anyone can support the revolutionary party. Only he is the heir to the throne. It is impossible to support the revolutionary party's own life. .

Franz is still very morally cultivating. He is anxious about the public and worried about the people, so his newspaper name is "We want bread, we want cheese."

The definition of this newspaper is exactly the same as the name. For the safety of the newspaper, he decided to put the newspaper on the door of the police station.

This era of newspapers is also very troublesome, even if Franz can omit the most cumbersome procedures, but the labor, the venue always need to find their own.

The most important thing is the editors and reporters of the newspapers. These people must have the blood and dare to face this cruel society. They must not be too hot, and even forget who eats their meals.

The unfortunate poet of the country, fortunately, was given a sorrowful sentence.

This sentence is still very reasonable. In the middle of the 19th century, Austria also had a large number of scholars and literati. Some of these people insisted on creation, and some of them changed their way to play politics.

In any case, the skill of the pens is not comparable to the nobility.

For example, the lawyer of the Hungarian politician Kossuth, who was a lawyer, was a propagandist. In 1847, he opened the prelude to Hungarian independence and became the head of the Hungarian Republic.

Of course, he also has a literati's common problem is an idealist, the plan is often out of the actual situation, the uprising is naturally suppressed.

Franz is not interested in Kossuth. Even if his propaganda ability is strong, he can't stand him as an extreme nationalist.

The two sides are naturally antagonistic. Of course, if you want to buy it, you may not be successful, but Franz does not have this interest.

In his concept of employing people, the importance of loyalty far exceeds the ability, and the lowest employer's bottom line must also be guaranteed not to be an enemy.

After pondering a moment of martial arts, Franz wrote several names on the paper and then told him: "Raul, send someone to check the people on the list. If there is no problem, send them to them in the name of the newspaper. An invitation!"

"Yes, Dagong!" followed by Raul and said quickly that

it is not easy to recruit people in this era. The university is still an ivory tower. There are no ordinary people in it. The parents with the lowest status are also small capitalists.

The so-called inspirational stories are used to deceive people. The high tuition fees are not the result of work-study and dropout.

The literati in the society is not as lonely as everyone imagined. Of course, the exception is in the family.

If you want to recruit people, you can either hang a billboard in a crowded place, or advertise in a newspaper, and more often introduce it through an acquaintance.

According to acquaintances, this is definitely not suitable for Franz. The people he contacts are not so boring. The dragon does not live with the snake, and naturally he does not know the ordinary workers.

However, this is not anxious. It is still very easy to recruit ordinary workers. Compared with other industries, it is a very decent job to work in newspapers. I am not afraid that no one will come.

On the contrary, it takes time to recruit journalists and editors. The people invited by Franz are well-known literati in the society.

It doesn't matter if you come or not, it's just telling them that there is another newspaper in Austria now, and they have another place to publish articles to earn the manuscript fee.

From beginning to end, he did not show his face, although many people will know that he is the behind-the-scenes boss of this newspaper.

If it is not for economic problems, Franz does not mind opening dozens of newspapers at once, and the fire is stubbornly fighting for the dominance of public opinion.

Taking into account the problem of return on investment, Franz decisively stunned, mastering a newspaper usually pointing to the mountains, when needed, can take the rhythm.

Austria's reforms have been going on for many years, and the current Prime Minister Clemens Metternich was once a representative of the reformists.

Only now that he is no longer inside and outside, the domestic bourgeoisie is not strong enough to disappoint him, and he is not able to fully satisfy their interests.

The aristocratic conservatives also rejected his prime minister. As a representative of the aristocratic interest group, he advocated that the liberation of serfs harmed the interests of the aristocratic group.

Even the Vienna court actually did not catch up with his reformist prime minister. The reason was very simple. The slogan was called for too long, but the reform did not see results.

Franz may be the person who can best understand him in this era. In an image, the Austrian Empire is like a house of insects. If you move a part, no one knows how much it will collapse.

Out of a cautious and responsible attitude, Metternich's reforms were very careful, lest they would collapse if they were not good.

This kind of shrinking reform is naturally not successful. Without bloodshed reform, how can it be successful?